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Increased postponement of fertility, especially among higher-educated women, means it is important to know whether women recuperate births at older ages, but evidence for the UK is lacking. The extent to which the timing and quantum of mothers' fertility underlie the strong educational gradient in completed family size is also unclear. We investigate the relative contributions of childlessness, timing, and quantum to educational differences in completed fertility within cohorts born between 1940 and 1969. We analyse retrospective fertility histories from 44,351 women, born 1940-1969, interviewed in the British General Household Survey (1979-2009) and the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2009-2010). After describing educational differences in the timing of first birth and parity distributions, we quantify the relative contributions of childlessness, delayed entry into motherhood, and fertility rates conditional upon age at entry into motherhood, to educational differences in completed family size. Within each cohort, the educational gradient in completed family size is explained, in demographic accounting terms, almost entirely by educational differences in the proportions remaining childless and the age distribution of mothers at entry into motherhood. Conditional upon age at entry into motherhood, subsequent fertility rates are similar across educational groups and across cohorts. Unlike for some other European countries, the postponement of motherhood to later ages in Britain has not resulted in a significant increase in childbearing among more-educated women who enter motherhood at later ages. The stability of aggregate measures of completed fertility in Britain is not the result of a straightforward process of postponement followed by recuperation.

Background: Previous research has highlighted the importance of accumulated life-course labour market status and the balancing of multiple roles for understanding inequalities in health in later life. This may be particularly important for women, who are increasingly required to balance work and family life in liberal welfare contexts, such as in Britain. Methods: This study analyses retrospective life history data for 2160 women aged 64+ years (born 1909—1943) from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing, collected in 2006-2007 as part of an ongoing panel study. Optimal matching and cluster analyses are used to produce a taxonomy of women's life-course economic activity trajectories based on their experiences between ages 16 and 64 years. This classification is then used in logistic regression analysis to investigate associations with self-rated health in later life. Results: A set of five trajectories emerge as the dominant patterns of women's economic activity over the life course for those cohorts of English women born prior to 1943: (1) full-time workers; (2) family carers; (3) full-time returners; (4) part-time returners; (5) atypical/inactive. Regression analyses show that women who experience defined periods of full-time work both before and after focusing on family life appear to have the most favourable later life health outcomes. Conclusions: The findings are discussed with reference to the accumulation of social and economic resources over the life course and the balancing of multiple roles in work and family domains. In conclusion, the development of policies that facilitate women, if they wish, to successfully combine paid employment with family life could have a positive impact on their health in later life.

BackgroundIt has been estimated that someone with a terminal illness in the UK can experience a negative financial impact of up to £16,000 per year (APPG for Terminal Illness, 2019). However, while poverty at the end of life is recognised as a legitimate concern, its magnitude has remained unclear. This research aimed to produce a statistical profile to increase understanding of the risk and prevalence of poverty in the last year of life for people across the UK.MethodsThe analysis was based on data for individuals aged 20 and older from of the UK Household Longitudinal Study, Understanding Society. Mixed-effects binary logistic regression was used to estimate the probability of an individual being in poverty in a given year, based on their age, whether they were in the last 12 months of life, and the interaction between these variables. The estimates were used to produce a risk ratio that could be applied to population-level data on poverty rates and mortality rates. This was repeated for selected subgroups of the population based on geographical location, sex, ethnicity and diagnosis.ResultsThe regression analysis revealed a statistically significant, positive association between being at the end of life and being in poverty (OR=1.6. p<0.001). There was a significant interaction with age (p=0.08), with a stronger association between poverty and mortality for younger respondents.When combined with population-level data, the estimates suggested that in 2019, more than 90,000 people died in poverty in the UK. Among working age people, the risk of experiencing poverty was 34% higher for those in the last 12 months of life than for others in the same age group, while for pensioners it was 23% higher. Elevated risks of poverty at the end of life were also observed among women, people from minority ethnic groups, and those with non-cancer diagnoses prior to death.DiscussionThe findings show that poverty at the end of life is an extensive and wide-reaching issue that affects many people at a time when they are vulnerable and least able to deal with financial or material hardship. In policy terms, the findings draw attention to the importance of ensuring that people are able to access all of the support from the social security system to which they are entitled at the end of life, especially if faced with an unpredictable prognosis and a potentially long period of financial hardship.

The idea of a generation of young adults \"boomeranging\" back to the parental home has gained widespread currency in the British popular press. However, there is little empirical research identifying either increasing rates of returning home or the factors associated with this trend. This article addresses this gap in the literature using data from a long-running household panel survey to examine the occurrence and determinants of returning to the parental home. We take advantage of the longitudinal design of the British Household Panel Survey (1991-2008) and situate returning home in the context of other life-course transitions. We demonstrate how turning points in an individual's life course—such as leaving full-time education, unemployment, or partnership dissolution—are key determinants of returning home. An increasingly unpredictable labor market means that employment cannot be taken for granted following university graduation, and returning home upon completion of higher education is becoming normative. We also find that gender moderates the relationship among partnership dissolution, parenthood, and returning to the parental home, reflecting the differential welfare support in Great Britain for single parents compared with nonresident fathers and childless young adults.

\"The postponement of partnership formation and parenthood in the context of an early average age at leaving home has resulted in increased heterogeneity in the living arrangements of young adults in the UK. More young adults now remain in the parental home, or live independently of the parental home but outside of a family. The extent to which these trends are explained by the increased immigration of foreign-born young adults, the expansion in higher education, and the increased economic insecurity faced by young adults are examined. Shared non-family living is particularly prominent among those with experience of higher education, whilst labour market uncertainty is associated with an extended period of co-residence with parents.\" (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Forschungsmethode: empirisch-quantitativ; empirisch. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1998 bis 2008.

In many high-income countries, governments seek to ensure that households at least have sufficient incomes to afford basic essentials such as food and clothing, but also to help citizens reach socially acceptable living standards allowing full participation in society. Their success in doing so is commonly monitored in terms of how many citizens are below a poverty line set relative to median income, and by how far below it they fall (the ‘poverty gap’). Yet the threshold below which this gap starts to be measured is arbitrary, begging the question of what level of low income needs addressing. A more ambitious measure, presented in this paper, considers the extent to which people fall short of a benchmark representing a socially agreed minimum standard. This ‘low income gap’ can be used to represent the distance a society has to go to eliminate income that is undesirably low. The paper presents the indicator, its meaning and some recent trends in the United Kingdom, where the methodology behind the indicator has been pioneered. The results demonstrate that this empirically derived benchmark has the potential to be of value in other countries, in assessing whether they are making progress in reducing low income.

Purpose Increasing food insecurity (FIS) in the UK presents a major challenge to public health. Universal Credit (UC) claimants are disproportionately impacted by FIS but research on socio-demographic factors and consequent nutritional security is limited. Methods A cross-sectional online survey (September 2021 - April 2022) assessed FIS in UC claimants (males and females, n  = 328) (USDA 10 question module), dietary intake (females, n  = 43; 3–4 × 24-hour dietary recalls) and coping strategies. Binary logistic regression tested sociodemographic variables influencing the odds of food insecurity. Diets ofUC were compared with national diet and nutrition survey (NDNS) participants and thematic analysis conducted for drivers and impacts of FIS. Results FIS was experienced by 84.8% of UC respondents (73.8% very low food security). Equivalised income <£200 week -1 increased odds of FIS by 7.3 (3.4–15.3) times compared with households receiving >£300 week -1 . Being unemployed ( P  = 0.004), travelling > 15 min to obtain food ( P  = 0.016), shopping less than twice per week ( P  = 0.001) and receiving < 47.7% of the minimum income standard (MIS) all increased risk of FIS. Diet quality of working age females was lower (45.9%) compared to those in the NDNS (49.6-55.8%; P  < 0.05) characterised by limited protein sources, minimal fruit consumption and reliance on bread. Intakes of vitamin A, iron, selenium, potassium, iodine and magnesium were consistently below most NDNS cohorts. Participants felt impotent to make substantive changes to their diets due to poverty. Conclusion During this study, dependence on UC almost guaranteed recipients would be food insecure, consuming insufficient micronutrients to support health. MIS may provide a useful benchmark to prevent food poverty.

Research investigating associations between social class over the life-course and later health relies primarily on secondary analysis of existing data, limiting the number and timing of available measurements. This paper aims to examine the impact of these constraints on the measurement of life-course occupational social class and subsequent explanatory analyses predicting health in later life. Participants of the UK Boyd Orr Lifegrid Subsample ( n  = 294), aged an average of 68 years, provided retrospective information on their life-course occupational social class, coded at 6-month intervals. This was used to simulate two types of life-course data: (1) Theoretical: Life stage (four data-points at key life stages); (2) A-theoretical: Panel data (data-points at regular intervals of varying length). The percentage of life time in disadvantage and the predictive value for limiting longstanding illness (LLI) in later life using the full life-course and simulated data was compared. The presence of ‘critical periods’ of exposure and the role of trajectories of social class were also investigated. Compared with the full data, the life stage approach estimated a higher percentage of life time in disadvantage and emphasised ‘transient’ periods in disadvantage (e.g. labour market entry). With varying intervals using the a-theoretical approach, there was no clear pattern. Percentage of life time in manual class was a significant predictor of LLI only when using the four-point life stage approach. Occupational social class at labour market entry was a predictor of LLI in later life, suggesting a ‘critical period’. Comparison of trajectories of social class further emphasised the importance of the sequence and timing of exposures to disadvantage in determining later health. We conclude that producing a valid summary of life-course occupational social class does not necessarily require a large number of data-points, particularly if guided by relevant theory, and that such measures can reveal important associations with later health.

The postponement of partnership formation and parenthood in the context of an early average age at leaving home has resulted in increased heterogeneity in the living arrangements of young adults in the UK. More young adults now remain in the parental home, or live independently of the parental home but outside of a family. The extent to which these trends are explained by the increased immigration of foreign-born young adults, the expansion in higher education, and the increased economic insecurity faced by young adults are examined. Shared non-family living is particularly prominent among those with experience of higher education, whilst labour market uncertainty is associated with an extended period of co-residence with parents.