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This book provides a vivid portrait of Iranian Islamism. Based on interviews with grass-roots activists it gives a unique picture of pro-regime movement in Iran. It is of interest to anyone who seeks to understand Shi'ite Islamism today.

This book is about Iranian Islamism on grass-roots level. It provides a vivid, near-life portrait of young activist men who uphold this movement through their zealous support of revolutionary ideals and the present regime. It is based on interviews with a group of volunteers in the Iranian home guard movement known as basij during a period of four years. By focusing on beliefs and rituals of individual persons, it gives a unique picture of the shifting motifs behind Islamist engagement in today's Iran. The book contextualises the interviewed individuals within the wider framework of Iranian society and relates their stories to a discussion on ritual, emotion, embodiment and authority. It is of interest to anyone who seeks to understand the multifaceted driving forces behind Shi'ite Islamism today.

This book is about Iranian Islamism on grass-roots level. It provides a vivid, near-life portrait of young activist men who uphold this movement through their zealous support of revolutionary ideals and the present regime. It is based on interviews with a group of volunteers in the Iranian home guard movement known as basij during a period of four years. By focusing on beliefs and rituals of individual persons, it gives a unique picture of the shifting motifs behind Islamist engagement in today's Iran. The book contextualises the interviewed individuals within the wider framework of Iranian society and relates their stories to a discussion on ritual, emotion, embodiment and authority. It is of interest to anyone who seeks to understand the multifaceted driving forces behind Shi'ite Islamism today.

Abstract This article empirically explores the interplay between the secular, post-Lutheran majority culture and Muslim immigrants in Sweden. It presents the ambiguous role of religion in the country's mainstream discourse, the othering of religion that is characteristic to this, and the expectations of Muslims to be strongly religious that follows as its consequence. Four results of a web-panel survey with Swedes of Muslim and Christian family background are then presented: (1) Both groups largely distance themselves from their own religious heritage - the Muslims do this in a more definite way; (2) the Muslim respondents have more secular values and identities than the Christians; (3) contrary expectations, Christian respondents show more affinity to their religious heritage than the Muslims do to theirs; and (4) the fusion between the groups is prominent. The article concludes that equating religious family heritage with religious identity is precipitous in the case of Swedish Muslims.

Denmark, Estonia, and Sweden are, if measured by certain sociological criteria, considered to be three of the world’s most secular countries. Nature—forests, pristine beaches, and the countryside—plays a specific role in the allegedly secular discourse of the mainstream populations of these nations. Not only is it almost without exception deemed as a positive asset worthy of protection, it is also thought of as holding certain existential qualities. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews, this article suggests that Alfred Schutz’s conceptualization of transcendence—further developed by Thomas Luckmann—can be used to describe the existential experiences in nature of contemporary secular people. The article results in a suggestion for an operational definition of transcendence.

Denmark, Estonia, and Sweden are, if measured by certain sociological criteria, considered to be three of the world’s most secular countries. Nature—forests, pristine beaches, and the countryside—plays a specific role in the allegedly secular discourse of the mainstream populations of these nations. Not only is it almost without exception deemed as a positive asset worthy of protection, it is also thought of as holding certain existential qualities. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews, this article suggests that Alfred Schutz’s conceptualization of transcendence—further developed by Thomas Luckmann—can be used to describe the existential experiences in nature of contemporary secular people. The article results in a suggestion for an operational definition of transcendence.

Islamism¹ is often portrayed as an antimodern movement. In 1979, when the Islamist revolution of Khomeyni (1902–1989) took place in Iran, it was often described as “turning back the clock of history.”² The Islamists were viewed as traditionalists, and their movement was spoken of as a medieval system, an antithesis of Western progress. Following in the footsteps of scholars like Bobby S. Sayyid³ and Sami Zubaida,⁴ this chapter seeks to problematize such an understanding. In doing so I want to focus on one aspect of the Iranian Islamist movement, namely, its ambiguous attitude toward the cluster of ideas and

This chapter explores how the Netherlands the dominant political praxis of secularism leads to a tendency of stimulating and integrating a particular version of Islam while excluding a more assertive version of Islam that is labelled as radical. It examines the first track briefly because it is only an adjustment of an already existing development of politicization and confrontation. The focuses on Dutch values are part of a trend that emerged in the Netherlands and throughout Europe during the 1990s. Stolcke focuses on the new rhetoric of exclusion and inclusion based upon cultural essentialism shows how in the process of building nation-states, national belonging and identity are interpreted as a cultural singularity. The rhetoric of culture produces a homogenized and idealized vision of the national moral community and the exclusion of migrants. The visibility of religion in society and the public sphere is not seen in the same way for Muslims as for Christians.