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\"Drawing on memoirs, archives, and interviews, Davis and Trani trace American prejudice toward Russia and China by focusing on the views of influential writers and politicians over the course of the twentieth century, showing where American images originated and how they evolved\"--Provided by publisher.

Founded in Richmond in 1968, Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU) began with a mission to build a university to serve a city emerging from the era of urban crisis-desegregation, white flight, political conflict, and economic decline. With the merger of the Medical College of Virginia and the Richmond Professional Institute into the single state-mandated institution of VCU, the two entities were able to embrace their mission and work together productively. In Fulfilling the Promise, John Kneebone and Eugene Trani tell the intriguing story of VCU and the context in which the university was forged and eventually thrived. Although VCU's history is necessarily unique, Kneebone and Trani show how the issues shaping it are common to many urban institutions, from engaging with two-party politics in Virginia and African American political leadership in Richmond, to fraught neighborhood relations, the complexities of providing public health care at an academic health center, and an increasingly diverse student body. As a result, Fulfilling the Promise offers far more than a stale institutional saga. Rather, this definitive history of one urban-setting state university illuminates the past and future of American public higher education in the post-1960s era.

Davis and Trani show where American images of Russia and China originated, how they evolved, and how they have often helped sustain foreign policies generally negative toward the former and positive toward the latter. This wide-ranging survey draws on memoirs, archives, and interviews, much of it appearing in print for the first time, to show how influential individuals shaped these perceptions and policies based on what they saw-or thought they saw-in those two countries.

American-Russian relations have been troubled from Lenin to Putin, from Wilson to Trump. Woodrow Wilson insisted that no one power should dominate Europe. This detailed analysis shows that Wilson was the first “Cold War Warrior,” and his “quarantine” policy toward Russia was the precursor of the policy the United States has generally followed toward Russia since the end of World War II. Wilson tried to avoid taking sides in the Bolshevik Revolution but finally was drawn into it from relentless Allied pressure. Yet he kept intervention minimal. Afterward, he quarantined communism until FDR recognized Russia and, later, allied with Stalin against Hitler. Truman and his successors renewed “quarantine,” calling it “containment.” With the USSR’s collapse, the shape and stability of Wilson’s Europe reappeared. The West has preserved that Europe through the EU, NATO, and sanctions against Putin’s restoring a Soviet sphere. America should now be clear, as Wilson once was, in supporting European security. Las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y Rusia han tenido problemas desde Lenin hasta Putin, de Wilson a Trump. Woodrow Wilson insistía que ningún poder debería dominar Europa. Este análisis detallado muestra que Wilson fue el primer “Guerrero de la Guerra Fría,” y que su política de “cuarentena” para Rusia fue el precursor de la política que los Estados Unidos ha seguido para Rusia desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Él intentó evitar tomar partido en la Revolución Bolchevique pero finalmente se vio forzado a hacerlo por la presión imparable de los aliados. Sin embargo, mantuvo la intervención al mínimo. Después, puso al comunismo en cuarentena hasta que FDR reconoció a Rusia y, más tarde, se alió con Stalin contra Hitler. Truman y sus sucesores renovaron la “cuarentena,” llamándola “contención.” Cuando la URSS colapsó, la forma y estabilidad de la Europa de Wilson reapareció. Occidente ha preservado a esta Europa a través de la Unión Europea, la OTAN y las sanciones para que Putin no restaure la esfera soviética. Los Estados Unidos debería ser claro, como lo fue Wilson alguna vez, en su apoyo a la seguridad europea. 从列宁到普京, 从威尔逊到特朗普, 美俄关系一直矛盾重重。伍德罗·威尔逊坚持认为欧洲不应受一国主导。本文仔细分析后表明, 威尔逊是”冷战勇士”（Cold War Warrior）第一人, 他对俄罗斯实行的”隔离”（quarantine） 政策正是自二战结束后美国现如今对俄采取政策的先驱。他在俄国十月革命期间试图保持中立态度, 但最后因不断受到联盟压力而参与其中。尽管如此, 他将美国干预降到了最低。之后, 威尔逊隔离了实行共产主义的俄国, 这一情况直到富兰克林·罗斯福认可俄罗斯, 并与斯大林联手对抗希特勒时才结束。杜鲁门及其继任者重新实行了隔离政策, 并称之为”遏制”（containment）政策。随着苏联解体, 威尔逊式的欧洲形态和稳定性重新出现。西方国家一直通过欧盟、北大西洋公约组织和一系列对俄制裁措施维持欧洲现状, 反对普京重建苏联。美国现应清楚的是, 应该支持欧洲安全, 就像威尔逊时期一样。

In The First Cold War, Donald E. Davis and Eugene P. Trani review the Wilson administration's attitudes toward Russia before, during, and after the Bolshevik seizure of power. They argue that before the Russian Revolution, Woodrow Wilson had little understanding of Russia and made poor appointments that cost the United States Russian goodwill. Wilson later reversed those negative impressions by being the first to recognize Russia's Provisional Government, resulting in positive U.S.–Russian relations until Lenin gained power in 1917. Wilson at first seemed unsure whether to recognize or repudiate Lenin and the Bolsheviks. His vacillation finally ended in a firm repudiation when he opted for a diplomatic quarantine having almost all of the ingredients of the later Cold War. Davis and Trani argue that Wilson deserves mild criticism for his early indecision and inability to form a coherent policy toward what would become the Soviet Union. But they believe Wilson rightly came to the conclusion that until the regime became more moderate, it was useless for America to engage it diplomatically. The authors see in Wilson's approach the foundations for the \"first Cold War\"—meaning not simply a refusal to recognize the Soviet Union, but a strong belief that its influence was harmful and would spread if not contained or quarantined. Wilson's Soviet policy in essence lasted until Roosevelt extended diplomatic recognition in the 1930s. But The First Cold War suggests that Wilson's impact extended beyond Roosevelt to Truman, showing that the policies of Wilson and Truman closely resemble each other with the exception of an arms race. Wilson's intellectual reputation lent credibility to U.S. Cold War policy from Truman to Reagan, and the reader can draw a direct connection from Wilson to the collapse of the USSR. Wilsonians were the first Cold War warriors, and in the era of President Woodrow Wilson, the first Cold War began.

VCU faculty and administrators would later exemplify Eugene Trani’s commitment to the idea of one university with recollections of him correcting them an instant after they said “MCV” rather than “VCU.” Trani was a stickler for the inclusive nomenclature, but unless VCU’s people experienced one university in practice and reality, rules about nomenclature mattered little. The university’s strategic planning process engaged faculty, administrators, and staff in putting the university on the rise. In early 1992, President Trani assigned what would become the VCU strategic plan to Provost Charles P. Ruch. The planning began in the midst of VCU’s case in

A special report appeared in the UniverCity News at the end of August 1998, titled “Richmond at the Crossroads: The Greater Richmond Metropolitan Area and the Knowledge Based High Technology Economy of the 21st Century.” This report, with its title echoing that of con sul tant James Crupi’s harsh report on the city in 1992, set an agenda for VCU. It was the fruit of a sabbatical for President Trani at St. John’s College, Cambridge University, from April to July 1998 (Provost Grace Harris served as acting president in his absence). Albeit pointing to the future, the report also revealed

The 1980s at VCU, as for American higher education in general, were years of bud get reductions, at both state and federal levels, and contests over allocations of what remained. American medical schools, thanks to continued generosity from the National Institutes of Health and other granting agencies, perhaps suffered less financial pain, but at VCU disagreements about the direction and in de pen dence of the Medical Campus came to a showdown between President Ackell and the vice president for health ser vices, which was settled in Ackell’s favor by the Board of Visitors but left many unhappy. Qualities that

As VCU neared its fortieth anniversary, conditions for higher education in Virginia and the nation changed. State legislation in 2005 ratified the long-term trend toward less state support for public higher education and ever-larger tuition charges for students. Soon after, the shocks of the “Great Recession” tested all institutions. VCU’s mission—its commitment to the city of Richmond and to educating Virginians, most of them without wealth and often first-generation college students—survived the ups and downs. But those few years after 2005 were rocky for VCU and other universities, and observers saw that conditions for higher education, in Virginia