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"Vreÿ, Francois"
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On military culture : theory, practice and African armed forces
\"Military professionalism is inherently linked to military culture, which centres on the collective activities and distinctive practices of armed forces, as well as an understanding of shared goals and how they are achieved\" -- Back cover.
Book
The Latent Maritime Potential of BRICS+: A Time for Realignment
BRICS+[1] comprises Brazil, China, India, Russia, South Africa, the United Arab Emirates, Iran, Ethiopia and Egypt. This grouping encompasses vast land and maritime areas rich in human and natural capital across Eurasia, East and South Asia, the Persian Gulf, Africa and the East coast of South America. Despite their geographical dispersion, BRICS+ members are interconnected by maritime routes traversing the South Atlantic, Indo-Pacific, Red Sea, the Southern Ocean and Mediterranean Sea. The link between maritime trade and the global economy, coupled with BRICS+'s declared focus on cooperation, development and trade, underscores the significance of also researching their maritime agendas. However, BRICS+ as a maritime entity remains underexplored, presenting a paradox of a proclaimed economic, trade and development agenda without attending to ocean agendas, maritime economics and maritime security settings. This gap was highlighted during the 2018 BRICS meeting in South Africa, but has since been largely overlooked. This disconnect presents a research opportunity to explore the maritime dimension, potential opportunities and future pathways for BRICS+, either as a block or dispersed maritime player. [1] In this chapter, BRIC refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, and BRICS refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa. BRICS+ refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and then the new members Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, with Saudi Arabia (membership pending) and the United Arab Emirates that joined in 2024. Argentina declined the invitation to join, but Indonesia joined in 2025.
Journal Article
Maritime Security off Africa
Renewed focus on the world's oceans has brought about a shift that one can broadly frame as a rivalry between competitive no-limits exploitation and cooperative or collaborative endeavours towards the responsible and sustainable use of ocean territories. The competition portrays a growing sense of international concern with keeping the world's oceans productive, safe, and sustainable. Africa is not isolated from the larger debate on preserving, protecting, and securing the oceans. African maritime threats and vulnerabilities such as piracy off Somalia, oil theft in the Niger Delta, drug smuggling in the Western Indian Ocean, and illegal fishing in the Gulf of Guinea reside at the forefront of endeavours to roll back threats and mobilize international, African, and business imperatives to use the continent's ocean resources productively under safe and secure conditions. Maritime security is a complex global problem to be tackled locally and regionally by policymakers and practitioners.
Book Chapter
Maritime aspects of illegal oil-bunkering in the Niger Delta
Oil bunkering holds a positive meaning in a general sense, but in the rich oil fields of the Niger Delta in West Africa the term more often than not implies a criminal practice embedded in political, social and economic controversies. As a practice to gain financially, to adjust what is perceived to be governmental discrimination and to finance a range of opposition and criminal activities in the delta region, illegal oil bunkering grew to proportions that elicited a coercive government response in order to protect a vital national asset of the Nigerian state. A practice involving the Nigerian state, regional communities in the Niger River delta, and multinational oil companies, illegal oil bunkering holds local, regional and international repercussions. Due to the almost seamless transition between the vast delta and the waters of the Gulf of Guinea, illegal bunkering complicates the deteriorating offshore situation in the Gulf of Guinea and collectively they elicit security responses from the Nigerian government. Threatening the vital Nigerian oil industry, military deployments, new acquisitions of maritime vessels and even cooperation between state agencies and private security companies comprise the Nigerian reaction to counter the practice and impact of illegal oil bunkering.
Journal Article
African Maritime Security: a time for good order at sea
African security concerns tend to reflect a dominant landward focus; regime security, militaries dominated by armies and irregular forces fighting incumbent regimes frame much of the African security landscape, and as a consequence, African maritime matters often come second to a fixation with security matters on land. Since 2006, events off the African coast became more precarious and threatening to the maritime community at large, as piracy became endemic off the Horn of Africa and intermixed with rebel and criminal agendas in the Gulf of Guinea. Although piracy tends to be the current face of African maritime threats, it represents only one strand of a much wider maritime threat landscape. By 2010 international concerns about security in African waters coincided with more explicit African stances to deal with threats to good order at sea. In the meantime international concerns resulted in several United Nations resolutions that set in motion an international response to securitise piracy and deploy naval contingents off the Horn of Africa. It appears that Africa's seas are drawing an ever-increasing range of actors that brings both security, as well as insecurity to the African offshore domain. Good order at sea has now become an imperative for African decision makers.
Journal Article
A Blue BRICS, Maritime Security, and the South Atlantic
Analysts frequently label the BRICS grouping of states (Brazil, India, Russia, China, and South Africa) as primarily an economic club emphasising economic performances as primary objectives. Co-operation of international groupings are rarely, if ever, set within the context of their access to maritime interests, security, and benefits. A second void stems from the lack of emphasis upon the economic benefits of secured maritime domains. In this vein, a common, but neglected aspect of the BRICS grouping's power and future influence resides in their maritime domains, the value of which ultimately depends upon the responsible governance and use of ocean territories. The maritime interests of BRICS countries only become meaningful if reinforced by maritime security governance and co-operation in the respective oceans. Presently China and India seem to dominate the maritime stage of BRICS, but the South Atlantic is an often overlooked space. For BRICS the value of the South Atlantic stems from how it secures and unlocks the potential of this maritime space through co-operative ventures between Brazil, South Africa as a late BRICS partner, and West African littoral states in particular. Unfortunately, BRICS holds its own maritime tensions, as member countries also pursue competing interests at sea.
Journal Article
