Explore the vast range of titles available.

Background In March 2020, the UK implemented the Coronavirus Job Retention Scheme (furlough) to minimise job losses. Our aim was to investigate associations between furlough and diet, physical activity, and sleep during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods We analysed data on 25,092 participants aged 16–66 years from eight UK longitudinal studies. Changes in employment, including being furloughed, were based on employment status before and during the first lockdown. Health behaviours included fruit and vegetable consumption, physical activity, and sleep. Study-specific estimates obtained using modified Poisson regression, adjusting for socio-demographic characteristics and pre-pandemic health and health behaviours, were statistically pooled using random effects meta-analysis. Associations were also stratified by sex, age, and education. Results Across studies, between 8 and 25% of participants were furloughed. Compared to those who remained working, furloughed workers were slightly less likely to be physically inactive ( RR = 0.85; [95% CI 0.75–0.97]; I 2 = 59%) and did not differ overall with respect to low fruit and vegetable consumption or atypical sleep, although findings for sleep were heterogenous ( I 2 = 85%). In stratified analyses, furlough was associated with lower fruit and vegetable consumption among males ( RR = 1.11; [1.01–1.22]; I 2 = 0%) but not females ( RR = 0.84; [0.68–1.04]; I 2 = 65%). Considering changes in quantity, furloughed workers were more likely than those who remained working to report increases in fruit and vegetable consumption, exercise, and hours of sleep. Conclusions Those furloughed exhibited similar health behaviours to those who remained in employment during the initial stages of the pandemic. There was little evidence to suggest that adoption of such social protection policies in the post-pandemic recovery period and during future economic crises had adverse effects on population health behaviours.

Background Employment disruptions can impact smoking and alcohol consumption. During the COVID-19 pandemic, many countries implemented furlough schemes to prevent job loss. We examine how furlough was associated with smoking, vaping and alcohol consumption in the UK. Methods Data from 27,841 participants in eight UK adult longitudinal surveys were analysed. Participants self-reported employment status and current smoking, current vaping and alcohol consumption (>4 days/week or 5+ drinks per typical occasion) both before and during the early stages of the pandemic (April–July 2020). Risk ratios were estimated within each study using modified Poisson regression, adjusting for a range of potential confounders, including pre-pandemic behaviour. Findings were synthesised using random effects meta-analysis. Results Compared to stable employment and after adjustment for pre-pandemic characteristics, furlough was not associated with smoking (ARR = 1.05; 95% CI: 0.95–1.16; I 2 : 10%), vaping (ARR = 0.89; 95% CI: 0.74–1.08; I 2 : 0%) or drinking (ARR = 1.03; 95% CI: 0.94–1.13; I 2 : 48%). There were similar findings for no longer being employed, and stable unemployment, though this varied by sex: stable unemployment was associated with smoking for women (ARR = 1.35; 95% CI: 1.00–1.82; I 2 : 47%) but not men (0.84; 95% CI: 0.67–1.05; I 2 : 0%). No longer being employed was associated with vaping among women (ARR = 2.74; 95% CI: 1.59–4.72; I 2 : 0%) but not men (ARR = 1.25; 95% CI: 0.83–1.87; I 2 : 0%). Conclusions We found no clear evidence of furlough or unemployment having adverse impacts on smoking, vaping or drinking behaviours during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK. Differences in risk compared to those who remained employed were largely explained by pre-pandemic characteristics.

After shrinking dramatically during the Second World War, the gender wage gap (GWG) narrowed again in the early 1970s due to the Equal Pay Act. The GWG has closed across birth cohorts at all points in the adult life-cycle but remains. Within birth cohort it rises to middle age before falling again. Among those born in 1958, the raw GWG was 16 percentage points among workers aged 23, rising to 35 percentage points at 42. Among those born in 1970 the gaps were 9 and 31 percentage points at age 26 and age 42 respectively. Differences in men’s and women’s work experience in mid-life account for much but not all of the raw gap in both cohorts. The GWG is a little larger early in the life cycle when accounting for non-random selection into employment but selection plays no role later in life. Policy options for closing the remaining gap are considered.

Home working has increased since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic's onset with concerns that it may have adverse health implications. We assessed the association between home working and social and mental wellbeing among the employed population aged 16 to 66 through harmonised analyses of 7 UK longitudinal studies. We estimated associations between home working and measures of psychological distress, low life satisfaction, poor self-rated health, low social contact, and loneliness across 3 different stages of the pandemic (T1 = April to June 2020 -first lockdown, T2 = July to October 2020 -eased restrictions, T3 = November 2020 to March 2021 -second lockdown) using modified Poisson regression and meta-analyses to pool results across studies. We successively adjusted the model for sociodemographic characteristics (e.g., age, sex), job characteristics (e.g., sector of activity, pre-pandemic home working propensities), and pre-pandemic health. Among respectively 10,367, 11,585, and 12,179 participants at T1, T2, and T3, we found higher rates of home working at T1 and T3 compared with T2, reflecting lockdown periods. Home working was not associated with psychological distress at T1 (RR = 0.92, 95% CI = 0.79 to 1.08) or T2 (RR = 0.99, 95% CI = 0.88 to 1.11), but a detrimental association was found with psychological distress at T3 (RR = 1.17, 95% CI = 1.05 to 1.30). Study limitations include the fact that pre-pandemic home working propensities were derived from external sources, no information was collected on home working dosage and possible reverse association between change in wellbeing and home working likelihood. No clear evidence of an association between home working and mental wellbeing was found, apart from greater risk of psychological distress during the second lockdown, but differences across subgroups (e.g., by sex or level of education) may exist. Longer term shifts to home working might not have adverse impacts on population wellbeing in the absence of pandemic restrictions but further monitoring of health inequalities is required.

BackgroundSARS-CoV-2 infection rates vary by occupation, but the association with work-related characteristics (such as home working, keyworker or furlough) are not fully understood and may depend on ascertainment approach. We assessed infection risks across work-related characteristics and compared findings using different ascertainment approaches.MethodsParticipants of 14 UK-based longitudinal cohort studies completed surveys before and during the COVID-19 pandemic about their health, work and behaviour. These data were linked to the National Health Service digital health records, including COVID-19 diagnostic testing, within the UK Longitudinal Linkage Collaboration (UK LLC) research environment. Poisson regression modelled self-reported infection and diagnostic test confirmed infection within each cohort for work-related characteristics. Relative Risk (RR) were then combined using random effects meta-analysis.ResultsBetween March 2020 and March 2021, 74 757 individuals completed 167 302 surveys. Overall, 15 174 survey responses self-reported an infection, whereas 3053 had a linked positive test. Self-reported infection risk was greater in keyworkers versus not (RR=1.24 (95% CI 1.17, 1.31), among non-home working (1.08 (0.98, 1.19)) or some home working (1.06 (0.97, 1.17)) versus all home working. Part-time workers versus full time (0.94 (0.89, 0.99)) and furlough versus not (0.93 (0.88, 0.99)) had reduced risk. Results for the linked positive test outcome were comparable in direction but greater in magnitude, for example, a 1.85 (1.56, 2.20) in keyworkers.ConclusionThe UK LLC provides new opportunities for researchers to investigate risk factors, including occupational factors, for ill-health events in multiple largescale UK cohorts. Risk of SARS-CoV-2 infection and COVID-19 illness appeared to be associated with work-related characteristics. Associations using linked diagnostic test data appeared stronger than self-reported infection status.

BackgroundHome working has increased since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic's onset with concerns that it may have adverse health implications. We assessed the association between home working and social and mental wellbeing among the employed population aged 16 to 66 through harmonised analyses of 7 UK longitudinal studies.Methods and findingsWe estimated associations between home working and measures of psychological distress, low life satisfaction, poor self-rated health, low social contact, and loneliness across 3 different stages of the pandemic (T1 = April to June 2020 -first lockdown, T2 = July to October 2020 -eased restrictions, T3 = November 2020 to March 2021 -second lockdown) using modified Poisson regression and meta-analyses to pool results across studies. We successively adjusted the model for sociodemographic characteristics (e.g., age, sex), job characteristics (e.g., sector of activity, pre-pandemic home working propensities), and pre-pandemic health. Among respectively 10,367, 11,585, and 12,179 participants at T1, T2, and T3, we found higher rates of home working at T1 and T3 compared with T2, reflecting lockdown periods. Home working was not associated with psychological distress at T1 (RR = 0.92, 95% CI = 0.79 to 1.08) or T2 (RR = 0.99, 95% CI = 0.88 to 1.11), but a detrimental association was found with psychological distress at T3 (RR = 1.17, 95% CI = 1.05 to 1.30). Study limitations include the fact that pre-pandemic home working propensities were derived from external sources, no information was collected on home working dosage and possible reverse association between change in wellbeing and home working likelihood.ConclusionsNo clear evidence of an association between home working and mental wellbeing was found, apart from greater risk of psychological distress during the second lockdown, but differences across subgroups (e.g., by sex or level of education) may exist. Longer term shifts to home working might not have adverse impacts on population wellbeing in the absence of pandemic restrictions but further monitoring of health inequalities is required.

ObjectivesLong-term sickness absence from employment has negative consequences for the economy and can lead to widened health inequalities. Sick notes (also called ‘fit notes’) are issued by general practitioners when a person cannot work for health reasons for more than 7 days. We quantified the sick note rate in people with evidence of COVID-19 in 2020, 2021 and 2022, as an indication of the burden for people recovering from COVID-19.DesignCohort study.SettingWith National Health Service (NHS) England approval, we used routine clinical data (primary care, hospital and COVID-19 testing records) within the OpenSAFELY-TPP database.ParticipantsPeople 18–64 years with a recorded positive test or diagnosis of COVID-19 in 2020 (n=365 421), 2021 (n=1 206 555) or 2022 (n=1 321 313); general population matched in age, sex and region in 2019 (n=3 140 326), 2020 (n=3 439 534), 2021 (n=4 571 469) and 2022 (n=4 818 870); people hospitalised with pneumonia in 2019 (n=29 673).Primary outcome measureReceipt of a sick note in primary care.ResultsAmong people with a positive SARS-CoV-2 test or COVID-19 diagnosis, the sick note rate was 4.88 per 100 person-months (95% CI 4.83 to 4.93) in 2020, 2.66 (95% CI 2.64 to 2.67) in 2021 and 1.73 (95% CI 1.72 to 1.73) in 2022. Compared with the age, sex and region-matched general population, the adjusted HR for receipt of a sick note over the entire follow-up period (up to 10 months) was 4.07 (95% CI 4.02 to 4.12) in 2020 decreasing to 1.57 (95% CI 1.56 to 1.58) in 2022. The HR was highest in the first 30 days postdiagnosis in all years. Among people hospitalised with COVID-19, after adjustment, the sick note rate was lower than in people hospitalised with pneumonia.ConclusionsGiven the under-recording of postacute COVID-19-related symptoms, these findings contribute a valuable perspective on the long-term effects of COVID-19. Despite likely underestimation of the sick note rate, sick notes were issued more frequently to people with COVID-19 compared with those without, even in an era when most people are vaccinated. Most sick notes occurred in the first 30 days postdiagnosis, but the increased risk several months postdiagnosis may provide further evidence of the long-term impact.

University graduates' social mobility trajectories have become more varied and complex as a result of substantial changes, which occurred in the labour market in the past few decades. These changes include expansion of higher education, occupational restructuring, and destandardisation of life course. As the relationship between graduates' social mobility trajectories and their career pathways are more obscure in contemporary society, further investigations are required. In the past, education was considered a distinct early career stage, typically followed by full-time paid employment, during which an individual ascended the occupational ladder. More recently, the notion of a 'job for life' has been replaced with a notion of 'boundaryless career', which is less dependent on the traditional organisational career principles. Although these changes are widely recognised in scholarly rhetoric, the consequences of following different career routes for individual's propensity to move across the social strata are less understood. The literature recognised both education and migration as factors, which can facilitate one's social mobility, but their role in the 'boundaryless careers' is less clear. This thesis aims to better understand the relationships between graduates' intra-generational social mobility trajectories and their career pathways, thereby contributing to the social mobility literature. More specifically, it aims to answer the following research questions: What are graduates' typical intra-generational social mobility trajectories, and to what extent can they be explained by different types of career pathways? Can these relationships be explained by the attributes and circumstances observed prior to the start of their employment trajectory? What is the role of internal migration and higher education and in the context of different career types? In order to answer these questions, information about a sample of graduates was extracted from the 1970 British Cohort Study. Their economic activity histories were reconstructed and sequence analysis was used to derive a typology of graduates' progression through social classes, distinguishing between lateral linear, lateral non-linear, upward linear, upward non-linear, and downward social mobility trajectories. A similar method was used to derive the typology of their career pathways, which distinguishes between stable, part-time, self-employed, and fragmented careers. A set of logistic regression models was fitted to test whether graduates' career type can explain their social mobility trajectories. Having established a statistically significant relationship between these two concepts, the investigation was expanded by incorporating additional factors, which included the social, geographical and individual attributes observed in the to-be graduates' early life, as well as the characteristics of their internal migration trajectories, and higher education. The results show that graduates' social mobility is more complex than initially expected, and that the career pathway significantly explains some aspects of graduates' social mobility, even after accounting for their higher education and migration. They also indicate that different career types operate on different principles, and therefore the context of the career is vital for understanding the social mobility-facilitating capability of higher education and internal migration. This implies that the increased variety and complexity of graduates' careers, inherent in their nature, can contribute to better understanding of their progression via social strata, and points to the importance of longitudinal studies. The career type is recognised as the missing link in the contemporary social mobility research, and the recommendations are made to incorporate the characteristics of one's career into future research.

After shrinking dramatically during World War Two the gender wage gap (GWG) narrowed again in the early 1970s due to the Equal Pay Act. The GWG has closed across birth cohorts at all points in the adult life-cycle but remains. Within birth cohort it rises to middle age before falling again. Among those born in 1958, the raw GWG was 16 percentage points among workers aged 23, rising to 35 percentage points at 42. Among those born in 1970 the gaps were 9 and 31 percentage points at age 26 and age 42 respectively. Differences in men's and women's work experience in mid-life account for much but not all of the raw gap in both cohorts. The GWG is a little larger early in the life cycle when accounting for non-random selection into employment but selection plays no role later in life. Policy options for closing the remaining gap are considered.