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"deLisle, Jacques"
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United States-Taiwan Relations: Tsai's Presidency and Washington's Policy
With Tsai's coming to power several factors portended continuity in the strong U.S.-Taiwan relationship that she inherited. Washington welcomed Tsai's approach of pledging to maintain the status quo in cross-Strait ties. In U.S. policy on cross-Strait issues, the ＂clarity of strategic ambiguity＂ endures: Washington assesses which side is to blame for any deterioration in cross-Strait relations, and favors, at least at the margin, the other party. With Tsai, Washington sees Beijing as primarily at fault, in that Washington perceives Tsai as having gone as far as she can (given political constraints), and Beijing as being too demanding. Although Trump administration policies and actions-specific ones concerning Taiwan and broader ones with implications for U.S.-Taiwan relations-and an approach to foreign policy characterized by volatility, a transactional mindset, and institutional fragmentation introduced significant uncertainty, persisting features of U.S. policy toward Taiwan and cross-Strait issues limit the likelihood of change in Washington's approach to relations with Taiwan: the durability of strategic ambiguity, the classic alliance dilemma of abandonment versus entrapment, the persistence of Realist, interest-based analysis that weighs against ＂abandoning Taiwan＂ during a long period of more adversarial U.S.-China relations, the likely durability of the ＂values＂ strain in U.S. foreign policy (despite Trump), the entrenched nature of the Three Communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), a substantial congressional role in the stewardship of U.S.-Taiwan relations, and the tendency of U.S. policy on Taiwan and cross-Strait issues to be primarily reactive to choices made in Beijing and Taipei.
Journal Article
China's global engagement : cooperation, competition, and influence in the 21st century
\"Assessing China's rapidly changing role on the international stage China is again undergoing a period of significant transition. Internally, China's leaders are addressing challenges to the economy and other domestic issues after three decades of dramatic growth and reforms. President Xi Jinping and other leaders also are refashioning foreign policy to better fit what they see as China's place in the world. This has included a more proactive approach to trade and related international economic affairs, a more vigorous approach to security matters, and a more focused engagement on international cultural and educational affairs. In this volume, China specialists from around the world explore key issues raised by a changing China's interaction with a changing world. They chronicle China's emergence as a more capable actor whose engagement is reshaping international affairs in many dimensions. These include: global currency and trading systems; patterns of cooperation and competition in technological innovation; economic and political trends in the developing world; the American-led security order in the Asia-Pacific region; the practice of international military and humanitarian intervention; the use of naval power; the role of international law in persistent territorial and maritime disputes in the East and South China Seas; the international human rights regime; the circulation of Chinese talent trained abroad; a more globalized film industry; and programs to reshape global cultural awareness about China through educational initiatives. Across these diverse areas, China's capacity-and desire-to influence events and outcomes have risen markedly. The results so far are mixed, and the future trajectory remains uncertain. But across the wide range of issues addressed in this book, China has become a major and likely an enduring participant\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
The Internet, Social Media, and a Changing China
The Internet and social media are pervasive and transformative forces in contemporary China. Nearly half of China's 1.3 billion citizens use the Internet, and tens of millions use Sina Weibo, a platform similar to Twitter or Facebook. Recently, Weixin/Wechat has become another major form of social media. While these services have allowed regular people to share information and opinions as never before, they also have changed the ways in which the Chinese authorities communicate with the people they rule. China's party-state now invests heavily in speaking to Chinese citizens through the Internet and social media, as well as controlling the speech that occurs in that space. At the same time, those authorities are wary of the Internet's ability to undermine the ruling party's power, organize dissent, or foment disorder. Nevertheless, policy debates and public discourse in China now regularly occur online, to an extent unimaginable a decade or two ago, profoundly altering the fabric of China's civil society, legal affairs, internal politics, and foreign relations.
The Internet, Social Media, and a Changing Chinaexplores the changing relationship between China's cyberspace and its society, politics, legal system, and foreign relations. The chapters focus on three major policy areas-civil society, the roles of law, and the nationalist turn in Chinese foreign policy-and cover topics such as the Internet and authoritarianism, \"uncivil society\" online, empowerment through new media, civic engagement and digital activism, regulating speech in the age of the Internet, how the Internet affects public opinion, legal cases, and foreign policy, and how new media affects the relationship between Beijing and Chinese people abroad.
Contributors:Anne S. Y. Cheung, Rogier Creemers, Jacques deLisle, Avery Goldstein, Peter Gries, Min Jiang, Dalei Jie, Ya-Wen Lei, James Reilly, Zengzhi Shi, Derek Steiger, Marina Svensson, Wang Tao, Guobin Yang, Chuanjie Zhang, Daniel Xiaodan Zhou
eBook
China's Global Engagement
Assessing China's rapidly changing role on the international stage
China is again undergoing a period of significant transition. Internally, China's leaders are addressing challenges to the economy and other domestic issues after three decades of dramatic growth and reforms. President Xi Jinping and other leaders also are refashioning foreign policy to better fit what they see as China's place in the world. This has included a more proactive approach to trade and related international economic affairs, a more vigorous approach to security matters, and a more focused engagement on international cultural and educational affairs.
In this volume, China specialists from around the world explore key issues raised by a changing China's interaction with a changing world. They chronicle China's emergence as a more capable actor whose engagement is reshaping international affairs in many dimensions. These include: global currency and trading systems; patterns of cooperation and competition in technological innovation; economic and political trends in the developing world; the American-led security order in the Asia-Pacific region; the practice of international military and humanitarian intervention; the use of naval power; the role of international law in persistent territorial and maritime disputes in the East and South China Seas; the international human rights regime; the circulation of Chinese talent trained abroad; a more globalized film industry; and programs to reshape global cultural awareness about China through educational initiatives.
Across these diverse areas, China's capacity-and desire-to influence events and outcomes have risen markedly. The results so far are mixed, and the future trajectory remains uncertain. But across the wide range of issues addressed in this book, China has become a major and likely an enduring participant.
eBook
CHINA’S RESPONSE TO COVID-19
Near the end of 2019, a novel coronavirus began to sicken residents of Wuhan, a city of more than eleven million and the capital of China's Hubei province. The disease caused by the virus, which would soon be known as COVID-19, spread within China and abroad, prompting the World Health Organization (WHO) to declare an international public health emergency on January 30, and a global pandemic on March 11, 2020. We do not yet have an authoritative account of actions and omissions at various levels and in multiple units of the Chinese system. Nonetheless, it is apparent that the handling of the outbreak reflects characteristic weaknesses and strengths of the Chinese administrative state. These features are shared, to some extent and to varying degrees, by other states, but China's versions are distinctive, and they appear to have affected the handling of COVID-19. The framework in place before COVID-19 included numerous legal and regulatory measures.
Journal Article
Damages Remedies for Infringements of Human Rights Under U.S. Law
The laws of the United States provide damages remedies for some acts—primarily but not exclusively by state actors—that infringe many internationally recognized human rights. They mostly do so without specific reference to or incorporation of international human rights law or norms. In domestic cases, U.S. law provides damages remedies for human rights violations primarily through general laws concerning civil rights, constitutional torts and tort or tort-like suits against state entities and officials. In engaging international human rights law, particularly treaties, the United States generally has claimed that domestic law meets applicable international human rights standards and is adequate to fulfill the relevant international obligations of the United States. A handful of exceptional laws—including principally the Alien Tort Statute and the Torture Victim Protection Act—provide remedies specifically for human rights violations where the case involves a transnational element, including some cases of harms committed outside the United States, by foreign defendants, or against foreign victims. Some of these civil cases have relied on a venerable but limited principle of U.S. law that provides for reception of the customary international law of human rights into federal common law. Other features of U.S. law—principally those governing state and official immunity in domestic and transnational cases, and judicial restraint in cases involving foreign affairs and political questions—limit damages remedies that might otherwise be available for infringements of human rights.
Journal Article