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Presents the study of the finds from the Mycenaean cemetery of Clauss near Patras, carried out between 1988-1992 under the direction of Prof. Thanassis Papadopoulos. During the excavation project, fifteen chamber tombs were located and researched in detail, to be added to those already known from the pre-war excavations by Nikolaos Kyparissis.

Since the fall of communism, archaeological research in Central and Eastern European countries has seen a large influx of new projects and ideas, fueled by bilateral contacts, Europe-wide circulation of scholars and access to research literature. This volume is the first study which relates these issues specifically to Bronze Age Archaeology.

No detailed description available for \"Daily Life, Materiality, and Complexity in Early Urban Communities of the Southern Levant\".

The origin of the Israelites is one of the most frequently discussed issues among archaeologists and biblical scholars. Only a few decades ago, biblical stories such as the Conquest were heralded as confirmed by archaeology. But in the 1970s, Thomas L. Thompson and John Van Seters were in the vanguard of a movement among scholars that was intent on reassessing the historical reliability of the biblical narratives. This reassessment gained momentum during the 1980s and 1990s; today, the mainstream opinion is that there was no Conquest, and the Israelites, if they can be identified as a national entity or as a people, did not arrive in Canaan by means of a military conquest. For three days in March 2004, a group of scholars met to consider the state of the question and to provide a response to the predominant academic skepticism, a response that considers the biblical text to be an important datum in the construction of the history of the people of Israel. To do so, the authors of the papers read at the conference take into account both biblical and extrabiblical literary evidence, as well as the contributions of archaeology, to describe as completely as possible what may be known about the early history of Israel. Critical Issues in Early Israelite History publishes the papers read at this conference in the hope that the result will be a balanced portrayal of this watershed event based on all of the currently available evidence.

The intricately carved Saint-Bélec slab found in the Leuhan parish (Finistère) was found within an early Bronze Age barrow in 1900 (fig. 1 and 2). A recent re-examination of the Saint-Bélec slab suggests that its sculptured surface and scattered motifs represent the surrounding landscape and a series of contemporary structures now known from archaeological evidence. When discovered, the slab formed the western side of one of the largest stone-cists in the region. It was orientated east-west and measured 3.86 m long, 2.1 m wide, and 1.86 m high (fig. 3). However, at the time of its excavation, the slab was partly broken, presumably in antiquity, with the upper part missing. It was surmounted by several layers of rubble stone (fig. 3, no. 6). Within the grave, was a broken ceramic vessel, now lost but characteristic of early Bronze Age pottery. The study of the slab was conducted using whole slab observations, general and detailed photographs with oblique lighting, and several 3D survey methods (photogrammetry, general and high definition 3D-scanning) to record the surface topography of the slab at different scales and to analyse the morphology, technology, and chronology of the engravings (tabl. 1, fig. 5 and 6). The generation of a 3D-Digital Elevation Map from high definition 3D-scanning and various visualisation techniques was the basis for subsequent interpretation and analysis (fig. 7 and 8). The slab is a grey-blue coloured schist, c. 2.2 m long, 1.53 m wide and 0.16 m thick. Under polarized light, the groundmass appears to be typical of the Douarnenez Phyllade series that form locally the bedrock in the Saint-Bélec area (fig. 4). All the engravings are relatively fresh and show no trace of weathering (fig. 8, no. 1 and 2), although they have suffered biological, chemical and mechanical alterations in recent times (fig. 9). This suggests that the carved slab was not exposed in the open air for long. The motifs cut into the surface are relatively uniform and show simple geometric shapes : i. e. round and oval cup-marks ; straight or curved lines ; and squares, circles, ovals or curved shapes (fig. 10). Some associations between motifs appear to form recurrent patterns, for example one or more cup-marks included in a closed shape, and cup-marks at line ends or intersections. One of the peculiarities of the Saint-Bélec slab is its sculptured surface. A triangular hollow has been carved out from the centre to the left-hand end. Its upper and lower edges have been shaped by two deep-pecked bas-reliefs (B1, B2/ B3), the lower one having been split and cemented together in recent times (fig. 11). In between, the surface was variously weathered or freshly flaked by pecking related to superimposed motifs, suggesting that the triangular hollow probably took advantage of a pre-existing depression in the surface of the slab (fig. 8, no. 1). While there are relatively few blank areas on the decorated surface, there is very little overlap of the motifs, except at their ends. Therefore, it appears that the successive phases in creating the panel did not significantly change the overall composition but were rather added in a planned way (tabl. 2 and fig. 11). The main issue about the dating of the Saint-Bélec slab is its probable re-use. Stylistically, the motifs are quite different from those found in the regional Neolithic traditions of ‘ megalithic’ art. This is supported by the freshness of the engravings which implies a relatively short time-span between their creation and the subsequent burial of the slab. The most spectacular characteristic of the Saint-Bélec slab is its map-like pattern that consists of a homogeneous composition of repeated motifs joined by a series of lines. Comparisons with other similar representations from prehistoric times in Europe and elsewhere in the world show that they are commonly regarded as plan topographical maps (fig. 12 and 13) ; a hypothesis which is further supported as well by ethnographic data (fig. 14 to 16). A key point is that the engravers seem to have modified the original surface relief of the slab to create the desired 3D-form that compares to the topography of the surrounding landscape, the upper Odet River valley, overlooked by the Saint-Bélec barrow (fig. 17, no. 1 and 2). Furthermore, a series of lines appear to figure a more extended river network (fig. 17, no. 3 and 4). To test this hypothesis, we have led several network and shape analyses that confirm a good correspondence between the carvings and the topography (fig. 18), with similar results to ethnographic solicited maps (fig. 19). Such correlations give the opportunity to georeferenced the Saint-Bélec slab and get an idea of the possible scale of the space represented : an area c. 30 km long and 21 km wide (fig. 17, no. 5). Furthermore, the carved motifs might have depicted early Bronze Age settlements, barrows, field systems, and tracks (fig. 20, no. 1 and 2, 21 and 22). The early Bronze Age in Brittany is well known for its princely burials (fig. 23) which are regularly distributed in western Brittany and are assumed to reflect the centres of established territories that can be modelled using Thiessen Polygons. Although no such burial is known in the area, the central motif on the Saint-Bélec slab could be interpreted as a central place of an early Bronze Age territory, extending over an area of 545 to 843 sq. km (fig. 20, no. 3 and 4). One outstanding question about the Saint-Bélec slab is why it was made ? One possibility is that such a territorial depiction was a material and symbolic act enforcing. Set alongside the contemporary development of field systems in Brittany making the slab perhaps suggests the appearance of a new form of land tenure, while the distribution of elite graves is closely linked to soil fertility. Against this background, we can hypothesize that the Saint-Bélec slab was used as a cadastral plan for managing the territory and controlling land. La dalle gravée de Saint-Bélec a été mise au jour par P. du Chatellier en 1900 dans un tumulus de l’âge du Bronze ancien à Leuhan (Finistère). Presque tombée dans l’oubli pendant un siècle, cette dalle ornée a été récemment redécouverte dans les caves du Musée d’archéologie nationale et a pu faire l’objet de plusieurs scans 3D. Cet article présente les résultats de l’analyse morphologique, technologique et chronologique des gravures, qui s’organisent en une composition relativement homogène. L’absence de toute météorisation des gravures suggère que la dalle a été enfouie peu de temps après leur réalisation. La présence de motifs répétés de formes circulaires, quadrangulaires et de cupules, joints par des lignes donne l’allure d’un tracé cartographique à cette composition. Des comparaisons menées avec d’autres représentations similaires tirées de la préhistoire en Europe et ailleurs dans le monde montrent qu’elles sont généralement comprises comme des cartes topographiques en plan, ce que tendent à confirmer les données ethnographiques. Un examen de la surface gravée montre que la topographie de la dalle a été volontairement modifiée pour, semble-t-il, représenter le relief environnant, tandis que plusieurs lignes paraissent figurer le réseau hydrographique. Cette hypothèse est testée et validée par plusieurs analyses statistiques de formes et de réseaux. Plusieurs motifs gravés évoquent diverses structures de l’âge du Bronze ancien (enceinte, système parcellaire, tumulus, route). Enfin, la cartographie vraisemblable d’un tel territoire est mise en perspective avec le contexte socio-historique des tumulus armoricains, qui témoigne d’une forte hiérarchisation sociale et d’un contrôle sans doute étroit de l’économie.

This collection of papers by an international chort of contributors explores the nature of the maritime connections that appear to have existed in the Transmanche/English Channel Zone during later prehistory. Organised into three themes, ‘Movement and Identity in the Transmanche Zone’; ‘Travel and exchange’; ‘Identity and Landscape’, the papers seek to articulate notions of frontier, mobility and identity from the end of the 3rd to the beginning of the 1st millennium BC, a time when the archaeological evidence suggests that the sea facilitated connections between peoples on both sides of the Channel rather than acting as a barrier as it is so often perceived today. Recent decades have since a massive increase in large-scale excavation programmes on either side of the Channel in advance of major infra-structure and urban development, resulting in the acqusition of huge, complex new datasets enabling new insights into later prehistoric life in this crucially important region. Papers consider the role of several key archaeologists in transforming our appreciation of the connectivity of the sea in prehistory; consider the extent to which the Channel zone developed into a closely unified cultural zone during later Bronze Age in terms of communities that serviced the movement of artefacts across the Channel with both sides sharing widely in the same artefacts and social practices; examine funerary practices and settlement evidence and consider the relationship between communities in social, cultural and ideological terms; and consider mechanisms for the transmission of ideas and how they may be reflected in the archaeological record. Brings together leading scholars from the UK and northern Europe in a thought-provoking and revealing new examination of the relationship between communities in the ‘Transmanche Zone’ in the Bronze and Iron Ages. The premise is that the English Channel was a conduit for connectivity and exchange of ideas, artefacts and social practices and rather than a barrier or frontier that had to be overcome before such connections could be fostered.

En Asie du Sud-Est, la fin de la préhistoire – de l’apparition de l’agriculture à la naissance de proto-États – ne dure que de 1500 à 2000 ans. Les cimetières sont des sites essentiels pour comprendre ces changements marqués par des influences culturelles indiennes et chinoises. Le Myanmar est le seul pays d’Asie du Sud-Est avec lequel ces pays partagent une frontière terrestre. Les données archéologiques nouvellement acquises pour le Myanmar permettent d’éclairer cette période charnière. Cet article présente les résultats de l’étude de la nécropole d’Oakaie 1 (région de Sagaing), fouillée durant deux saisons entre 2014 et 2015 dans le cadre de la Mission Archéologique Française au Myanmar (MAFM). La nécropole est datée entre la fin du Néolithique et le début de l’âge du Bronze. Les 55 sépultures et 57 inhumés mis au jour permettent d’analyser l’évolution des pratiques funéraires pendant plusieurs siècles. L’organisation de l’espace sépulcral est particulière. Les fosses, organisées en rangées sont distribuées selon deux grandes orientations, N-S et NNO-SSE. Les inhumations sont individuelles ou plurielles (9 cas) et, dans un cas, un chien a été inhumé avec des humains. L’analyse taphonomique suggère l’usage de contenants périssables larges ou étroits, avec des bords montants, probablement des troncs d’arbres évidés. Les biens funéraires les plus communs sont des céramiques généralement placées près des membres inférieurs ou dans le comblement de la fosse. Des éléments de parure (perles en coquillages et en pierre, bracelets en pierre polie et en matière dure animale) étaient aussi associés aux défunts, tandis qu’une unique sépulture a fourni un objet en métal (une hache en bronze). L’usage croisé de critères variés, dont l’organisation spatiale de la nécropole, les recoupements de sépultures, les pratiques funéraires et le mobilier déposé auprès des défunts a permis d’établir que la nécropole a fonctionné durant trois phases. La première est caractérisée par 20 inhumations orientées dans un axe N-S, généralement individuelles, dotées d’un mobilier funéraire réduit constitué d’une seule céramique et de rares éléments de parure en coquillage et matière dure animale. La deuxième phase est composée de 30 sépultures orientées dans un axe NNO-SSE. Elles contiennent des inhumations individuelles et plurielles associées à des céramiques distinctes de celles rencontrées lors de la première phase et à des objets de parures, dont certains sont d’origine exotique, plus nombreux et plus fréquents. La troisième phase est représentée par une inhumation, exceptionnellement riche pour la nécropole. Le défunt était associé à 19 céramiques, une perle en pierre et une hache en bronze. Ce dépôt présente un parallèle avec des sépultures de la nécropole de Nyaung’gan située à 2,7 km de Oakaie 1. Notre analyse permet d’établir que les deux premières phases correspondent à une utilisation intermittente de la nécropole par une même population alors que la troisième marque une rupture lié à l’introduction du métal. In Southeast Asia, the late prehistoric period, from the appearance of farming to the rise of proto-states, lasts only 1500-2000 years, and is thus extremely brief in comparison to Europe. Cemeteries represent critical sites in the chronological and cultural understanding of these changes, stimulated by influences from both China and India. Myanmar is the only Southeast Asia nation to share terrestrial frontiers with both these vast neighbours, but in comparison even with Thailand and Viet Nam, archaeological investigation in Myanmar is in a phase of rapid expansion. As such, the late prehistoric dataset is beginning to offer opportunities for detailed and synthetic interpretations of this crit transitional period. This present study attempts a fine phasing of a Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age site, Oakaie 1, in the Sagaing Division of central Myanmar. Oakaie 1 is a well preserved cemetery at the heart of a rich archaeological area, which was investigated by the French Archaeological Mission in Myanmar (MAFM) between 2014 and 2016. As a result of these efforts, the Oakaie area has the most secure radiometric chronological sequence in Myanmar, with 52 determinations, and has been the focus of a number of advanced approaches, many of them firsts for the country. The excavation of the Oakaie 1 cemetery, during two four-week field seasons in 2014-15, lead to the exposure of 55 graves containing 57 individuals. This discovery gave us the opportunity to study the evolution of funerary practices in a single cemetery over a period of several centuries. The Oakaie 1 graves were cut in a hard volcanic tuff and filled with a more humid and brown soil, which made them extremely easy to recognize. The graves are arranged in well-defined rows, following one of two orientations, N-S or NNW-SSE. The graves are mainly single primary supine extended burials but some nine graves contain at least two individuals, and maybe more. One grave also contains the burial of a dog. The taphonomic analysis of the burials shows that most of the bodies decomposed within an open volume. The study of the constraints marked on the skeletons shows that a common type of container, a hollowed out tree trunk was probably used throughout the cemetery, with some differences in terms of narrowness. Taphonomic study of the multiple graves has failed to establish whether individuals were buried simultaneously. The main grave good is pottery, which was deposited in various places around the body, mainly on the lower limbs and during the filling of the graves. Some ornaments were found, consisting of beads, made of stone and shell, as well as bangles made of stone and animal bone. Only one grave, S15, furnished a metal artefact, a socketed bronze axe. Graves goods were quite sparse throughout the cemetery, as compared to its well-known neighbour, Nyaung’gan, with the exception of S15, which contained by far the most pottery, in addition to the sole bronze. The comprehensive study of the cemetery’s spatial organization, the inter-cutting of the burials, the funerary practices as identified via taphonomic analysis, and the study of the grave goods lead us to propose three main phases of funerary use. The first is characterized by primary supine extended burials disposed in rows, with the graves oriented on a N-S axis. The burials were predominantly individual but three graves contained two individuals. Two further graves may also contain multiple burials. The phase one grave goods were very limited, a single pot of an almost universally homogenous form was placed during the filling of the grave. Ornaments made from shell or animal bone were rare. Two bivalve shells were found as a baby’s grave good. The second phase of burials were also primary supine extended graves in clear rows but oriented on a NNW-SSE axis. The graves were mainly individual but multiple graves were nevertheless frequent, and systematically contain an adult with a child, in one case two children. The grave goods were mainly pots, deposited on the lower limbs of the individuals. The pottery assemblage could be clearly differentiated from the first phase in its style and presents an internally homogeneous group. Ornaments grave goods were more frequent and examples made from hard stone and in bangle form appear. Bivalve shell deposits were found within the grave goods of very young children, with the exception of one adult. The third burial phase is represented by a single grave containing one individual. This grave, S15, contains far more grave goods than any other in the Oakaie 1 cemetery, comprising 19 pots, one bronze axe and a stone bead. S15 represents a strong match to some of the burials at the neighbouring (2.7 km) cemetery site, Nyaung’gan. The three phases identified at Oakaie 1 could theoretically represent as many populations. However, the cultural basis of each phase is clearly inter-related and leads us to propose that the cemetery – the area that could be excavated at least - was used by the same population over cyclical periods for a substantial length of time. This model is supported not only by the taphonomic analysis but also that of the ceramics and the strontium isotope signatures. The third phase, representing the shift to the Bronze Age at around 1000 BC, cannot be evaluated in detailed due to a lack of evidence but shows that while funerary practices changed significantly, the individual is highly likely to be a descendent, culturally at least, of the two preceding phases.

La Mission archéologique d’Amyan a débuté ses travaux en 2019. Situé dans le nord-ouest du Kurdistan irakien, le site d’Amyan se présente comme un tell important entouré d’une ville basse, d’une surface d’une quinzaine d’hectares. Occupé de manière quasi ininterrompue depuis le Néolithique jusqu’à la période islamique, Amyan se présente comme le site idéal pour étudier l’occupation de cette région du Kurdistan irakien ainsi que le rapport entre le site et son environnement immédiat, la plaine de Navkur, dans l’arrière-pays de Ninive, plaine extrêmement fertile qui témoigne d’une importante densité d’occupation. Cet article présente dans un premier temps un aperçu historique de cette région depuis le VIIe millénaire jusqu’à la période islamique. Dans un second temps sont exposés les résultats de la première campagne de la Mission archéologique d’Amyan.

Le site du Rouergas, fouillé en 1996, a livré, dans sa partie nord, des vestiges du Néolithique moyen. Dans la partie sud, ont été découvertes deux cabanes fontbuxiennes écroulées et des structures en creux. Le site a connu trois épisodes mortuaires. La fosse 123 contenait un dépôt primaire d’enfant, déposé sur le côté droit, tête au nord-ouest, ainsi qu’un bloc parallélépipédique de grandes dimensions qui servait sans doute de signalisation. La datation sur os indique qu’il s’agit d’une inhumation du début du Néolithique moyen. Les fosses 109, 120 et 122, situées à proximité les unes des autres, témoignent d’un deuxième épisode mortuaire du site. Creusées dans le substrat, elles ont chacune livré les restes d’un défunt (un individu de taille adulte et deux enfants de moins de 5 ans). Les datations radiocarbones sur chacun des individus les situent à la fin du Néolithique moyen alors que les quelques éléments de mobilier issus des mêmes creusements sont attribuables à des périodes plus récentes (Néolithique final et Antiquité). Il est donc permis de supposer que, dans ces cas, le creusement de ces fosses a perturbé des inhumations antérieures. Les vestiges humains qui ont séjourné aux abords ont été réensevelis lors du comblement des fosses. Le dernier épisode mortuaire, daté de l’âge du Bronze moyen, est une inhumation d’enfant, déposé sur le dos, les jambes hyperfléchies sous les cuisses, dans les ruines d’une des cabanes fontbuxiennes. Cette configuration ne permet pas d’affirmer qu’il s’agit d’une sépulture. L’inhumation de la fosse 123 est bien conservée et date de la première moitié du Ve millénaire avant notre ère, une période charnière pour la région. Depuis quelques années, les découvertes qui correspondent à cet horizon chronologique se multiplient et permettent de poser quelques jalons sur le dossier des pratiques mortuaires du Midi de la France durant cette période. Nous en proposons un panorama fondé sur 14 sites de comparaison. Certains éléments apparaissent dès le Néolithique ancien (lieu de dépôt, position sur le côté gauche dominante, présence de parure, traitement non funéraire, absence de regroupement des morts), alors que d’autres, notamment les dépôts en fosse circulaire, semblent faire leur apparition à ce moment. The site of Rouergas excavated in 1996 yielded, in its northern part, remains dating to the Middle Neolithic as well as four features containing human remains dated to the “ Chasséen”. Two collapsed fontbuxian huts, pits and a burial in the ruins of one of the huts were discovered in the southern part of the site. This paper proposes to present the features that yielded human remains that were subsequently radiocarbon dated and to place them in their regional context. The site has three mortuary phases. The features 109, 120 and 122 were disturbed, whereas the pit 123, located nearby, was found to be intact. It contained the primary deposit of a child (2-4 years old), deposited at the bottom of the pit, with the head to the northwest. The upper part of the body was slightly turned on the right side, the arms were placed away from the body in a symmetrical position and the forearms flexed. The lower limbs were folded on the right side. Most of the movement of the bones during decay occurred within the initial volume of the corpse. A large parallelepiped shaped block was located in the middle of the pit and perpendicular to the body, separated by a layer of sediment. The block probably served as a tomb marker and its presence may explain the preservation of the burial, which was not the case for the re-used pits 109 and 122. The radiocarbon dating of a bone sample indicates the early Middle Neolithic. Pits 109 and 122 contained archaeological material dating to the Middle and Late Neolithic, which include human remains. The study of the pottery from the fill, in correlation with the stratigraphy, suggest that the human remains come from earlier deposits that were disturbed when the pits were dug. The skeletal remains are incomplete, but do indicate an individual of adult size and a child under the age of 5 years. It has not been possible to render the mode of the deposit (primary, secondary), nor the mode of decay. Pit 120 is slightly different as it contains artefacts from the Middle Neolithic and the bones were radiocarbon dated to the end of this period. However, it is likely that the events leading to their deposition follow the same scenario as for pits 109 and 122. It is however possible that the human remains, an individual younger than five years, are in their original deposit. Radiocarbon dating places these 3 deposits at the end of the Middle Neolithic. These human deposits, the second funerary phase of the site, were probably grouped in an area of the site. Their present condition provides little information other than the intention to group the all the burials (adults and children) together near to a settlement. The last funerary phase (SU 810) dates to the Middle Bronze Age. It involves the discovery of the skeleton of a child aged between 6 and 10 years, covered by debris from the collapse of the roof and walls of one of the fontbuxian huts. The context and the position of the body, on its back, with its lower legs hyperflexed under the thighs, are unusual for this period in the area and it seems unlikely that these remains were laid to rest in a grave. The use of a Fontbuxian settlement as a funerary site in the Bronze Age is documented on at least one other site in the area, but in this case, the funerary context of the burial is clear. The recent discoveries from 14 sites dating to 5000-4400 BC have underlined trends in mortuary practices in the South of France. Primary individual deposits are most frequent The position of the deceased is mostly on the left side but three individuals were deposited on their right side. A child was buried in a sitting position and another deposit involved an adult corpse that has been thrown into a storage pit from above and not properly deposited. Other treatments of the body are also documented. Evidence of decarnisation was found on two sites. We suspect that cannibalism occurred on the site “ La Baume de Fontbregoua” but this settlement deserves further investigation to determine whether it was endo-cannibalism (a funerary practice) or exo-cannibalism involving an enemy.. Most of the burials have no grave goods, except for three with ornaments. We have documented both male and female burials but children are underrepresented except in the collective grave at “ Les Bréguières”. The burials are generally housed in pits, either dug for the purpose of burial or re-used, or in natural cavities or in open settlements. Some practices that date back to the Early Neolithic persist well into the first half of the Vth millennium : burials in caves or in especially designated open areas, the positioning of the body on its left side, the use of grave markers and the presence of ornaments. Pottery and lithic tools remain rare and many deceased have no grave goods whatsoever. There are no large funerary groups in dedicated “ cemeteries”, but collective tombs are documented even if the ideology behind this practice is unlikely similar to the ideology that developed during the Late Neolithic. In the Vth millennium, the main innovation is the re-use of large circular domestic pits for burials. This new custom is seen as specific to the Middle Neolithic but does in fact appear earlier. As with the Early Neolithic, the funerary nature of these human deposits is not necessarily systematic.