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With Brexit done and the desire to alter U.S. trade policy in the wake of the election of President Donald Trump, both British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and President Trump were optimistic that a trade agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States could be swiftly negotiated. This proved not to be the case despite the efforts of both leaders. We use an Open Economy Politics lens to examine the political and economic forces at work in both the United Kingdom and the United States during the tenure of the Trump administration that led to the initiative being stillborn and why the original optimism was misplaced. El acuerdo comercial entre el Reino Unido y los Estados Unidos que nació muerto: el optimismo político se encuentra con los intereses creados Con Brexit terminado y el deseo de modificar la política comercial de EE. UU. tras la elección del presidente Donald Trump, tanto el primer ministro Boris Johnson como el presidente Trump se mostraron optimistas de que se podría negociar rápidamente un acuerdo comercial entre el Reino Unido y los Estados Unidos. Este resultó no ser el caso a pesar de los esfuerzos de ambos líderes. Usamos una lente de política de economía abierta para examinar las fuerzas políticas y económicas en el trabajo tanto en el Reino Unido como en los EE. UU. durante el mandato de la administración Trump que llevaron a que la iniciativa naciera muerta y por qué el optimismo original estaba fuera de lugar. 夭折的英美贸易协定：政治乐观主义与既得利益相遇 鉴于英国脱欧的完成，以及唐纳德·特朗普当选美国总统后试图改变美国贸易政策的愿望，英国首相鲍里斯·约翰逊和特朗普总统都乐观地认为，英美两国之间的贸易协定能通过谈判迅速达成。尽管两位领导人作出了努力，但事实证明情况并非如此。我们使用开放经济政治（Open Economy Politics）的视角来分析特朗普政府任期内导致该协定夭折的英美政治力量和经济力量，并分析了为何最初的乐观情绪是错误的。

Food safety concerns have long been a frequent cause of disputes in food trades. To address this issue effectively, international laws and domestic laws should coordinate in order to provide a comprehensive legal framework on this issue. On one hand, international trade laws should be established and clarified to promote consistency on domestic food safety laws of different countries. On the other hand, domestic food safety laws should proactively identify the status and trend of international trade laws and foreign laws in order to avoid potential disputes. Efforts on both sides are necessary for achieving the two-fold goals of food safety and free trade.

This article draws on research conducted before, at, and after the protest against the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) Summit of the Americas meeting held in Québec City in April 2001. Following their successful activities at the World Trade Organization meetings at Seattle in 1999, antiglobalization groups mounted large-scale protests at subsequent major world governance meetings including the Québec City summit. At the time many viewed the protest groups as forming a cohesive movement with considerable momentum. With hindsight we conclude that the protests at Québec City brought together diverse groups-some global, many local-to form an uneasy alliance united by a common opposition to the intrusive meeting on economic globalization. This intrusion was symbolically represented by the location of the FTAA talks in the fortified Québec Citadel, which is an enduring national symbol for most French Canadians. The spectrum of politics represented by the antiglobalization groups found expression in radically different tactics and geographies of protest; indeed, this geographical compromise was the key to allowing the various groups to work together toward challenging the free-trade goals of the FTAA. The success of the protests held at Québec City was therefore not a foregone conclusion but the result of a series of special circumstances that were grounded in the geography of the protest itself.

On March 19, 2017, the Centre for Common Law of Renmin University of China and the Great Britain China Centre held a specialist one-day legal conference on ＂Developing Legal Service to Support Free Trade＂ in Shanghai. Over 30 legal academics, practitioners and policy-advisors from four jurisdictions： England and Wales, Scotland, China and Hong Kong attended the conference, including representatives of the Law Society of England and Wales, the Law Society of Scotland, the Bar Council of England and Wales, the Hong Kong Bar Association, the Law Society of Hong Kong, the All China Lawyers Association, the Shanghai Lawyers Association, and the Beijing Lawyers Association, etc.

For x = (x1, x2, ⋯, xn) ∈ ℝ+n ∪ ℝ−n, the symmetric functions Fn(x, r) and Gn(x, r) are defined by \\[F_n (x,r) = F_n (x_1 ,x_2 , ,x_n ;r) = _1 i_1 < i_2 < < i_r n _j = 1^r 1 + x_i_j x_i_j \\] and \\[G_n (x,r) = G_n (x_1 ,x_2 , ,x_n ;r) = _1 i_1 < i_2 < < i_r n _j = 1^r 1 - x_i_j x_i_j ,\\] respectively, where r = 1, 2, ⋯, n, and i1, i2, ⋯, in are positive integers. In this paper, the Schur convexity of Fn(x, r) and Gn(x, r) are discussed. As applications, by a bijective transformation of independent variable for a Schur convex function, the authors obtain Schur convexity for some other symmetric functions, which subsumes the main results in recent literature; and by use of the theory of majorization establish some inequalities. In particular, the authors derive from the results of this paper the Weierstrass inequalities and the Ky Fan’s inequality, and give a generalization of Safta’s conjecture in the n-dimensional space and others.

The negotiation of the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement （ChAFTA） has been in process since May 2005 and has survived two changes of government in Australia. The negotiations have been on and off for many years. Recent development, however, indicates that the two countries are finally close to strike a deal This paper examines the difficulties that bedevilled the negotiation process and how the circumstances have changed now. It also examines the way forward from both Australia and China＇s perspectives.

As the next chapter of China＇s economic development is unveiled, a new philosophy of economic policy-making is gaining prominence. Barring situations of extreme need, China＇s central government will no longer resort to strong stimulus packages to stimulate the economy, but allow the market to play the decisive role in resource allocation and seek to remove preferential treatment by eliminating regional barriers and developing a unified open market with fair comoetition.

Recently, China, Japan, and the Republic of Korea （Korea） are conducting a government-commis- sioned feasibility study on the Free Trade Agreement among the three countries （CJKFTA） to form a regional free trade zone in East Asia. Considering that freer trade can cause unexpected impact on domestic environment, there is a need to evaluate the environmental impact of such a trade policy. This move should be made to help negotiators understand and pay more attention to environ- mental issues during CJKFTA negotiations, and to help lobby with the government to carry out appropriate policy instruments for adaptation or mitigation. Following the Chain Reaction Assessment Method that integrates and links the elements of trade, production, and environment, the present research aims to quantitatively assess CJKFTA＇s possible impact on China＇s environment. This is done by estimating the variations of China＇s major conventional pollutants and greenhouse gases （GHGs） emission in two policy scenarios to represent CJKFTA＇s scale and composition effects on China＇s environment. Estimating the variations is based on a static Computable General Equilibrium model, working with Global Trade Analysis Project （GTAP） 7 database and China＇s energy- environment statistics. Based on these assessments, CJKFTA is predicted to lead to notable environmental impact, including increased emissions of agricultural total nitrogen, agricultural total phosphorus, chemical oxygen demand, and GHGs. On the other hand, decreased emissions of industrial SO2 and dust are also expected to happen. Suitable policies need to be made to combat negative effects and amplify positive ones, while aiming at a more sustainable regional freer trade system.

En el estudio se analiza cómo los distintos regionalismos de América Latina se relacionan con la reestructuración de la cadena del petróleo de Estados Unidos aguas arriba y con la dicotomía empresas privadas transnacionales (eptn)/empresas nacionales de petróleo (enp). La investigación se localiza en el marco teórico del nuevo regionalismo estratégico y el de las cadenas de valor que intentan articular conexiones entre cadenas y empresas a través de la minería de datos (data mining). El diseño de la investigación es cuantitativo descriptivo. El análisis de los conceptos (regionalismo, recursos naturales, y empresas transnacionales) se operacionaliza vinculando el constructo con la información disponible en las bases de datos. This study analyzes how different regionalisms in Latin America are tied to the restructuring of the upstream American oil chain and the private transnational company (ptc)/domestic oil company (doc) dichotomy. This research is situated in the theoretical framework of new strategic regionalism and value chains, seeking to forge connections between chains and companies through data mining. This research was designed as a quantitative-descriptive study. The analysis of concepts (regionalism, natural resources, and transnational companies) is operationalized by linking together the construct with the information available in the databases. L’étude analyse comment les différents régionalismes en Amérique Latine sont liés à la restructuration de la chaîne pétrolière américaine plus au nord et à la dichotomie des entreprises privées transnationales (eptn) / entreprises pétrolières nationales (enp). La recherche se situe dans le cadre théorique du nouveau régionalisme stratégique et celui des chaînes de valeur qui tentent d’articuler les liens entre les chaînes et les entreprises grâce à l’exploration de données (data mining). Le plan de recherche est quantitatif descriptif. L’analyse des concepts (régionalisme, ressources naturelles et sociétés transnationales) est opérationnelle en liant la construction aux informations disponibles dans les bases de données. O estudo analisa a forma como os diferentes regionalismos da América Latina estão relacionados com a reestruturação da cadeia de petróleo dos EUA águas acima e com a dicotomia empresas privadas transnacionais (eptn) / empresas petrolíferas nacionais (epn). A pesquisa se dá dentro do quadro teórico do novo regionalismo estratégico e das cadeias de valor que tentam articular conexões entre cadeias e empresas através da mineração de dados (data mining). O desenho da pesquisa é quantitativo- descritivo. A análise dos conceitos (regionalismo, recursos naturais e empresas transnacionais) é operacionalizado vinculando a construção com a informação disponível nos bancos de dados. 本文分别研究了拉美各类区域战略主义同美国石油产业链上游重组、以及与石油产业跨国私人和国家两类公司之间的联系。研究重点在于新区域战略主义理论框架和产业链, 并通过对数据的挖掘, 将产业链和企业连在一起。研究方法是描述性定量分析, 利用数据库现有信息对一些基本概念(地区主义、自然资源、跨国公司) 进行分析。