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This essay examines deluxe copies of Katherine Parr's “Psalms or Prayers” (1544) distributed as gifts as part of Henry VIII's wartime campaign. The book promoted supplication for the king, and Parr used hand illumination to amplify its aesthetic and sacred character and to elicit political loyalty. I discuss two copies annotated by Henry, one previously unknown. I argue that the volumes shed new light on Parr's role as queen/author, on Henry's final illness, and on their transactional relationship: Parr's giftbooks advanced Henry's cause and enabled him to display exemplary piety; Henry's marginalia activated Parr's text and thanked her for her labor.

William Tyndale's The obedience of a Christian man has been credited with influencing the Henrician regime's thinking and propaganda on the subject of obedience to royal authority. According to an anecdote first recorded by the archdeacon of Nottingham, John Louthe, Henry was so delighted by Tyndale's tract that he called it a book ‘for me and all kings to read’, and historians have argued that Henry tried to recruit Tyndale as a royal propagandist or diplomat in 1531. This article argues that Louthe's anecdote was probably a later invention, and that Henry disapproved of the Obedience and its author. There is little evidence that the king tried to recruit Tyndale, but wanted instead to silence him and force him to abjure his heresies. The Obedience contained very little that would have pleased Henry, presenting him as a mere ‘shadow’ of a king, manipulated by evil prelates. While Tyndale rejected rebellion against even tyrannical rulers, this should not be confused with advocating obedience of the kind that Henry might approve of, and the Obedience sanctioned disobedience of various kinds. From the outset, remarkably radical ideas were contained within an apparently ‘conservative’ tradition of English evangelical political thought.

Lanier's verifiable biography is based mainly on the wills of her parents; on the details recorded about her in the diaries (casebooks) of Simon Forman; on some few clues deduced from her book of poetry, Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum; on a limited number of events involving her husband, Alfonso Lanier, and the later disposition of a lucrative patent he acquired for the weighing of hay and straw; on records relating to Lanier's attempt to set up a school; on the record of her burial; and on some scattered official documentations regarding the Bassano family as of the reigns of King Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth I and James I.3 From these we know that: Emilia Bassano was baptized on January 27, 1569 at St. Botolph's Church, Bishopsgate, daughter of a Venetian musician, Battista (Baptista) Bassano and his common-law English wife, Margaret Johnson.4 Baptista was hired in 1539 with his four brothers tojóin the court recorder consort of King Henry VIII.5 He died when Emilia was seven and sometime thereafter she moved into the household of Susan Bertie, Dowager Countess of Kent (1554-C.1596), daughter of the redoubtable Katherine Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, by her second marriage to Richard Bertie.6 The timing and circumstances of this are examined in more detail below, but she presumably left that household before the Countess's second marriage, in 1581, when Lanier was 12 (see p. 18). [...]we also learn that her marriage was not a happy one: 'her husband hath dealt hardly with her, hath spent and consumed her goods. The collection was dedicated to nine royal and noble ladies; it may be inferred from these dedications that Emilia was at some point affiliated with Margaret Clifford (née Russell), Countess of Cumberland and was now specifically seeking her patronage, and also that of her daughter, Anne Clifford, Countess of Dorset.9 The mother was dedicatee of the title poem of the collection, 'Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum', which is printed with various marginal prompts, steering her to key features, most notably in the climactic section, 'The Passion of Christ'.10 The last poem in Lanier's book is 'The Description of Cooke-ham', a country-house poem eulogizing a royal manor not far from Windsor, which she associates with the Clifford ladies.11 The other dedications - to the royal ladies, Queen Anna, Princess Elizabeth and Lady Arbella Stuart, and to other notable aristocratic ladies - seem rather more speculative.

The British people who came to Australia in 1788 were predominantly adherents of a religion that had only existed in anything like its modern form since the sixteenth century, when King Henry VIII made his break with Rome over the dissolution of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. The settlers encountered a people in Australia who had a history on the continent stretching back about 65,000 years and a complex set of religious beliefs that, arguably more than those of the British, permeated every aspect of their lives.

In the annals of English history, the Tudor Dynasty is one of the most captivating eras. Within this dynastic tapestry, few women figures have left as indelible mark as Catherine of Aragon, the first wife of King Henry VIII, and the Virgin Queen---Elizabeth I. One that steps into the sphere of marriage and reproduction, facing the conflict of showing political talent and being the beloved wife of King Henry VIII. The other, a consistent formal dominant of England, remained a virgin throughout her life. Although they had slightly different monarchical roles, they faced similar challenges to the power structure in medieval Tudor. Thus, it is valuable to examine their roles by reconsidering the relations between gender, power, and monarchy. Also, examining how they survive and resist while maximizing their autonomy of power could provide a novel insight into the collaboration of the study of gender history and sociology. This essay attempts historical sociology to scrutinize the role of their queenship in the centre of the patriarchal and monarchical domain of the House of Tudors. There is a notable surge in applying Michel Foucault’s approach to theories of power in gender study by feminists. One of the aims of this research is to fill the vacancy of application of Foucault’s theories into medieval history as well. It aims to investigate the category of gender and its symbolism concerning queenship in the historical period. Most importantly, to redefine, reclaim, and re-evaluate the meanings and values of women figures throughout the traditional historiographical pattern of queenship, which the male chronological historians have largely created at the time. It is found that the two queenships sprouse comprehensive sociological meanings of a parallel considerdation of gender, power and body in such particular political spectrum of monarchial field.

Henry VIII remains the most iconic and controversial of all English Kings. For over four-hundred years he has been lauded, reviled and mocked, but rarely ignored. In his many guises - model Renaissance prince, Defender of the Faith, rapacious plunderer of the Church, obese Bluebeard-- he has featured in numerous works of fact and faction, in books, magazines, paintings, theatre, film and television. Yet despite this perennial fascination with Henry the man and monarch, there has been little comprehensive exploration of his historiographic legacy. Therefore scholars will welcome this collection, which provides a systematic survey of Henry's reputation from his own age through to the present. Divided into three sections, the volume begins with an examination of Henry's reputation in the period between his death and the outbreak of the English Civil War, a time that was to create many of the tropes that would dominate his historical legacy. The second section deals with the further evolution of his reputation, from the Restoration to Edwardian era, a time when Catholic commentators and women writers began moving into the mainstream of English print culture. The final section covers the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, which witnessed an explosion of representations of Henry, both in print and on screen. Taken together these studies, by a distinguished group of international scholars, offer a lively and engaging overview of how Henry's reputation has been used, abused and manipulated in both academia and popular culture since the sixteenth century. They provide intriguing insights into how he has been reinvented at different times to reflect the cultural, political and religious demands of the moment; sometimes as hero, sometimes as villain, but always as an unmistakable and iconic figure in the historical landscape. Contents: Introduction: all is true - Henry VIII in and out of history, Thomas Betteridge and Thomas S. Freeman; Harry's peregrinations: an Italianate defence of Henry VIII, Brett Foster; From perfect prince to 'wise and pollitike' king: Henry VIII in Edward Hall's chronicle, Scott Lucas; 'It is perilous stryvinge withe princes': Henry VIII in works by Pole, Roper and Harpsfield, Carolyn Colbert; Hands defiled with blood: Henry VIII in Foxe's Book of Martyrs, Thomas S. Freeman; Fallen Prince and Pretender of the Faith: Henry VIII as seen by Sander and Persons, Victor Houliston; 'It is unpossible to draw his picture well who hath severall countenances': Lord Herbert of Cherbury and The Life and Reign of King Henry VIII, Christine Jackson; Henry VIII in history: Gilbert Burnet's History of the Reformation (v.1), 1679, Andrew Starkie; 'Unblushing falsehood': the Strickland sisters and the domestic history of Henry VIII, Judith M. Richards; Ford Madox Ford's Fifth Queen and the modernity of Henry VIII, Anthony Monta and Susannah Brietz Monta; The 'sexual everyman'? Maxwell Anderson's Henry VIII, Glenn Richardson; Drama king: the portrayal of Henry VIII in Robert Bolt's A Man for All Seasons, Ruth Ahnert; 'Anne taught him how to be cruel': Henry VIII in modern historical fiction, Megan L. Hickerson; Booby, baby or classical monster? Henry VIII in the writings of G.R. Elton and J.J. Scarisbrick, Dale Hoak; Through the eyes of a fool: Henry VIII and Margaret George’s 1986 novel The Autobiography of Henry VIII: With Notes by His Fool, Will Somers, Kristen Post Walton; Index. Thomas Betteridge, Oxford Brookes University, UK and Thomas S. Freeman, University of Essex, UK

This article examines Henry VIII’s response to the struggle between János Szapolyai and Ferdinand of Habsburg for the throne of Hungary in the decade following the Ottoman victory at the battle of Mohács in 1526. Hungary’s distinct geopolitical situation as the bulwark against Ottoman expansion into Christendom meant that this civil war was a conflict of international importance. The article situates Henry’s interest in events in Hungary within the wider context of his Great Matter and shows that events in even distant parts of Europe came to occupy an important position in his international strategy. It demonstrates that the pressures placed on Henry VIII as a result of his efforts to obtain the annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon led him to support Szapolyai because it promised to divert Habsburg attention away from England.

In 1579 the English writer Thomas Churchyard explained to his readers the military strategy that Sir Humphrey Gilbert had used in Ireland during the suppression of the First Desmond Rebellion ten years earlier. Gilbert's actions have been seen as emblematic of the apparently special character of English warfare in sixteenth-century Ireland. For Vincent Carey, the English `campaigns of indiscriminate killing and systematic starvation in Munster and Ulster constituted an early modern European version of total war, which in its impact on the civilian population was probably unprecedented and unmatched until the events of the Thirty Years' War some decades later. Here, Murphy details Henry VIII's war in the Boulonnais that make English campaign one of the best-documented European conflicts of the age.

In the years from 1534, when Henry VIII became head of the English church until the end of Mary Tudor's reign in 1558, the forms of English religious life evolved quickly and in complex ways. At the heart of these changes stood the country's professed religious men and women, whose institutional homes were closed between 1535 and 1540. Records of their reading and writing offer a remarkable view of these turbulent times. The responses to religious change of friars, anchorites, monks and nuns from London and the surrounding regions are shown through chronicles, devotional texts, and letters. What becomes apparent is the variety of positions that English religious men and women took up at the Reformation and the accommodations that they reached, both spiritual and practical. Of particular interest are the extraordinary letters of Margaret Vernon, head of four nunneries and personal friend of Thomas Cromwell.