Explore the vast range of titles available.

The present article addresses the question of whether cities can be considered new sites for international compliance, given their explicit inclusion in contemporary international soft law instruments such as the Global Compacts for Migration and Refugees. It analyses the role of cities as local and international actors in migration issues in terms of how they have been constructed as actors influencing international migration law and discusses the implications of the migratory paradiplomacy they exercise.

In order to ensure the peaceful resolution of disputes arising from the implementation of its norms, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has adopted a dispute settlement mechanism that is almost identical to that of the World Trade Organization (WTO), although the two organizations have distinctly different objectives. While the ultimate objective of the AfCFTA is the progressive achievement of economic integration in Africa, the WTO aims to remove as many barriers to international trade relations as possible. This study attempts to demonstrate that the WTO model of dispute settlement adopted by the AfCFTA would not be appropriate to propel African economic integration, especially since not only is it characterized by a great deal of flexibility that allows member states to seek politically negotiated solutions, but above all, it does not take into account, either directly or indirectly, the individual, who is supposed to be the ultimate beneficiary of any process of economic integration of the African continent. Consequently, the present contribution advocates, on the one hand, the attribution of the competence to settle disputes related to AfCFTA’s Law to the future African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACJHPR) and, on the other hand, the incorporation of the preliminary referral into the AfCFTA’s Law that could be exercised by the national judge. En vue de garantir le règlement pacifique des différends résultant de la mise en œuvre de ses normes, la Zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECAf) a adopté un mécanisme de règlement des différends quasi identique à celui de l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC), en dépit de la flagrante disparité existant entre les objectifs de ces deux organisations internationales. Alors que l’objectif ultime de la ZLECAf est la réalisation progressive de l’intégration économique d’Afrique, l’OMC vise plutôt la suppression autant que possible de toutes les barrières aux relations commerciales internationales. La présente étude essaie de démontrer que le modèle-OMC de règlement des différends adopté par la ZLECAf ne serait pas approprié pour propulser l’intégration économique en Afrique, d’autant plus que non seulement il est caractérisé par une grande flexibilité qui permet aux Etats membres de rechercher des solutions politiquement négociées, mais surtout ne prend en compte, ni directement encore moins indirectement, l’individu (africain) qui est pourtant censé être le bénéficiaire final de tout processus d’intégration économique du Continent africain. Cela étant, la présente contribution préconise d’une part l’attribution de la compétence de régler les différends de la ZLECAf à la future Cour africaine de Justice et des droits de l’homme et des peuples (CAJDHP) et, d’autre part, la consécration du renvoi préjudiciel que pourrait exercer le juge national des Etats membres de la ZLECAf auprès de la CAJDHP.

With almost half of the continental water supply, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) still ever remains one of the countries with relatively a low access to safe drinking water for the population. It is this paradox that this paper aims to analyze. The main question is about the real impact of the constitutional recognition of a right of access to safe drinking water and the role of the public authorities in the implementation of this human right. The exercise consists and proceeds by a brief explanation and analysis of the content and implications of what should be considered as a “right of access to safe drinking water” before standing on the evaluation of the roles of different and main public actors involved in the process of implementing this right. It emphasizes on the three classic Institutions of the State, excluding, however, under the bloc of Executive Power, the President of the Republic who has a residual regulatory power. If the legislative and executive Powers show some weaknesses in the implementation of this right, not only because of the delay which characterizes their various actions, but also and especially because of a notorious absence of a political implication, the judicial Power seems to be actually inactive although the great mission of protecting and guaranteeing fundamental rights and public liberties that the Constitution has assigned to it. However, this attitude should not be ascribed to the judicial Power, noticing an alarming lack of a culture to claim on behalf of the population which is its beneficiary. Thus, in spite of the nature of this right which subjects it to the principle of “progressive execution”, it cannot be allowed any inaction, delay or fitful and insufficient interventions on behalf of those public actors which should really take an advantage of all potentialities of this country to provide Congolese people with a safe drinking water supply. Avec près de la moitié des réserves d’eaux continentales, la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) reste toutefois un pays dont le taux d’accès de la population à l’eau potable est relativement faible. C’est ce paradoxe que la présente réflexion vise à analyser. Elle s’interroge sur l’impact réel de la consécration constitutionnelle d’un droit d’accès à l’eau potable et sur le rôle des pouvoirs publics dans la mise en oeuvre de ce droit.

This article provides a study of the modalities and legal effects of the termination of the functions of members of the Congolese Constitutional Court. It offers a detailed analysis based mainly on the relevant provisions of Ordinance No. 16/070 of August 22, 2016 on the special status of members of the Constitutional Court. This Ordinance was adopted in application of the Congolese Constitution of February 18, 2006 in conjunction with organic-law No. 13/026 of October 15, 2013 on the organization and functioning of the Constitutional Court. Distinguishing on the one hand the normal cause of cessation of functions – the expiry of the mandate – and on the other hand the so-called exceptional causes – the resignation, dismissal and death of a member –, the study shows that the enumeration thus retained from the ordinance is incomplete with regard to the above-mentioned organic law. Thus, the list must be supplemented with the \"nullity of the appointment\" of a member in accordance with articles 2 and 3 of that organic law. The law is silent, however, on the issue of the voluntary retirement of members, although the implementation of this right inevitably has an impact on the end of their functions. The study therefore continues by an examination of both the general and the specific legal effects of these different modalities of ending the functions of a member of the Constitutional Court. Finally, in order to support and complete this essentially theoretical analysis, the article also looks at the question that remains most topical in Congolese constitutional law, namely the legal nature of the 'power' of the President of the Republic to appoint members of the Constitutional Court to other Courts or functions during their term of office. It concludes that such a power is not justified in the current framework of Congolese constitutional law. Indeed, it is inconceivable that such appointments should be imposed on the Constitutional Court members, their acceptance being the only exception to the principle of irremovability that governs them. Such a case should be considered one of voluntary resignation and a subsitute member should therefore only be appointed after this situation has been ascertained and established by the Constitutional Court. La présente réflexion aborde l’étude des modalités et effets juridiques de la cessation des fonctions des membres de la Cour constitutionnelle. Elle offre une analyse minutieuse basée principalement sur les dispositions pertinentes de l’Ordonnance n° 16/070 du 22 aout 2016 portant dispositions relatives au statut particulier des membres de la Cour constitutionnelle adoptée en application de la Constitution, mais surtout de la loi-organique n° 13/026 du 15 octobre 2013 portant organisation et fonctionnement de la Cour constitutionnelle. Distinguant d’une part la cause normale de cessation de ces fonctions – l’expiration du mandat – et d’autre part celles dites exceptionnelles – la démission, la révocation et le décès du membre –, cette réflexion démontre que l’énumération ainsi retenue par le Statut est incomplète au regard notamment de la loi-organique précitée. Ainsi, elle la complète par « la nullité de la nomination » du membre conformément aux articles 2 et 3 de la loi-organique ci-dessus évoquée. Elle ne se penche cependant pas sur la question de la retraite de ces membres si bien que la mise en \\l=oe\\uvre de ce droit comporte inéluctablement un impact sur la fin de leurs fonctions. L’étude de ces modalités est ainsi complétée par celle des effets juridiques qui sont à la fois généraux et particuliers pour chacune des causes en présence. Enfin, pour appuyer et compléter cette analyse qui se révèle essentiellement théorique, la réflexion s’intéresse également à la question qui demeure d’actualité en droit constitutionnel congolais, à savoir la juridicité du « pouvoir » du Président de la République de procéder à des nouvelles nominations des membres de la Cour constitutionnelle en cours de mandat. Elle aboutit à la conclusion qu’un tel pouvoir ne se justifie pas dans le contexte actuel du droit constitutionnel congolais. En effet, il est inconcevable que des telles nominations leur soient imposables, leur acceptation étant la seule exception au principe d’inamovibilité qui les régit. L’hypothèse de l’acceptation fait ici allusion à la démission volontaire, mais surtout d’office du membre qui aurait préféré exercer les fonctions incompatibles à sa qualité, et le membre remplaçant ne peut être désigné qu’après la constatation de cette situation juridique.

Ce texte appréhende la question des minorités et de peuples en s’intéressant à la question de leur reconnaissance et de leur gestion par l’Etat, tout en mettant en évidence la manière dont lesdits groupes se considèrent eux-mêmes comme minoritaires à travers le prisme déformant des auto-qualifications segmentées. La question de leur reconnaissance interne demeure mitigée malgré l’onction du pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques; l’Etat manifestant ainsi une certaine prudence face à des catégories qui pourraient oblitérer son unité. La gestion de la minorité quant à elle s’effectue stratégiquement sous le prisme d’un « usage politique du droit » : sa reconnaissance ayant partie liée avec la plusvalue politique que pourrait en tirer le pouvoir central. Le contexte de contestation politique des années 90 aura justifié sa constitutionnalisation dans le contexte camerounais d’alors fortement marqué par des résurgences identitaires aiguës. This paper deals with the question of minorities with particular reference to the issues of their recognition and their management by the state showing by way of evidence the manner in which the said groups consider themselves as minority through a deliberate deformed prism of segmented qualifications. The question of their internal recognition is still mitigated, despite the anointing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: the state however exercises certain prudence towards those categories that are likely obliterating her unity. The management of the minorities on her part is strategically carried out through the prism of “the political usage of the law”: their recognition has therefore, a strong link with political added value that could be drawn by the central power. The atmosphere of political uprisings of the 90s could have justified her constitutionalization in the Cameroonian context highly ranked at that period by resurgences of identity quarrels.

This article seeks to contribute to shifting the focus from an international, towards a regional cultural heritage protection in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While especially the destruction of Palmyra has drawn much of worldwide attention, this has wrongly led to an exaggerated impression of a region in need of international interventionism. An example of such an excessive internationalism is the call for international action triggered by the announced status change of the Hagia Sophia. In contrast to a too dominant international focus, this contribution aims to put a spotlight on the regional framework for the protection of cultural heritage in the MENA. By sketching regional cultural heritage protection, this article wants to contribute to laying the ground for future research on the topic, delving more into the normative potential as well as the empirical realities of the day-to-day protection of cultural heritage in the MENA.

The study of federalism brings together both political scientists and constitutional lawyers. It is one of those fields of study where the scholarly and the applied are inextricably interlinked. However, studies on and from the non-Western world tend to be underrepresented in the field, subsequently leading to both scholarly and applied shortcomings. This article is an attempt to start undoing that unevenness by identifying four lessons from the African continent. While doing so, we pursue two simultaneous intellectual goals: One is to use Africa to help sharpen the theoretical insights and conceptual tools of comparative federalism in general – applicable to both the West and the rest. And secondly, running parallel to this, the article also exposes the reader to the varieties of federalism in Africa. This not only enriches our scholarly repertoire but will also help nuance and finetune some of the prevailing theoretical assumptions in the field, and thus improve the chances of federalism to deliver on its promises in applied terms. The comparative lessons drawn from the African experience can be grouped under four categories. 1) The article builds on the conceptual distinction between federalism and federation; and argues that ideas and practices of federalism in Africa are more numerous than the formal federations of the continent. 2) The pre-colonial and imperial history of the continent is marked by British-style amalgamations of constitutional documents, practices, unwritten rules, and customs – some at the imperial level, some regional, some local. 3) International-level factors, especially the arrival of colonialism, and then later, the geopolitical pressures of the Cold War, played key roles in influencing the choice and workings of constitutions on the continent. 4) History has left each African country with certain dynamics unique to them making cutting and pasting best practices from abroad without attention to the local context problematic.

This study analyzes two of the most important pillars of Brazil's developmentalist project: its internal colonialism and the use of the State of Exception. In order to do that, the focus of the analysis is the construction of the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant, identified as an outstanding case of Brazil's development project. The adopted methodology is based on bibliographic and documentary review through law and literature. It explains the Brazilian project by tracing parallels between the Belo Monte plant and the construction of the windmill in George Orwell’s “Animal Farm”. The first parallel is the manipulation of ideas to generate social legitimization. In Orwell’s novella, the legitimation was generated by the popular demand for better lives for all, summarized in the promise of the “three-days week”, while in Brazil the basis for social legitimation is the fuzzy concept of development, almost interchangeable with economic growth, based on a notion of trickle-down economics according to which the whole population would stand to gain from the enrichment of a few. The second parallel is the creation of a State of Exception aimed at making the exception of law the rule in specific territories and to specific populations in order to legally justify the constructions. Finally, it brings up a debate about what it means to be a subject of rights in a context of autoimperialism, drawing attention to the fact that traditional populations, such as indigenous peoples, are being sacrificed in the name of a Brazilian developmental project, as for accumulation to exists it needs to coexist with violence and hoarding.

This article discusses the challenges of legislative systematization and inter-institutional coordination that have emerged as a result of the anti-corruption movement in Brazil in recent years. We contextualize the forthcoming discussion by presenting a brief history of Brazil’s normative framework on the subject, including elements that have proven important for combating corruption in the country. Later, we demonstrate that the formation of this national context on corruption has resulted in deficient legislative systematization, which causes difficulties in the application of the existing laws and rules. Moreover, it has hampered inter-institutional coordination, thus retarding processes, increasing the demands to the courts, elevating the insecurity of those who are subject to the institutions’ actions, and so on. In conclusion, although recent developments initiated by Brazil’s government and other ancillary institutions have attempted to address these issues, a deficiency is likely to exist in the foreseeable future, especially in terms of the proposed legislative agenda under discussion.