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The paper is focused on possibilities of economic effectiveness evaluation of supports expended in the framework of the European Development Fund. As an indicator which would refl ect the infl uence of support on a given country, human development index was chosen for its complexity. On base of a sample of African countries monitored in the period of 2001 - 2011, an analysis of time series has been carried out. Its aim was to fi nd out whether and after what period the amount of supports will be refl ected on the size of human development index. Statistically, a small effi ciency of provided supports was proved. It is necessary then to deal partly with the question of their advisability in the present form and partly with a methodology of determination of their effi ciency.

Cet article analyse la réforme managériale de la DG8 (développement) de la Commission européenne entamée dans les années 1990. En replaçant la réforme dans une perspective historique, il l’interprète comme l’aboutissement temporaire d’un long processus de bureaucratisation d’une institution marquée dès ses origines par la prégnance de fonctionnements clientélistes. L’approche suivie relie la sociologie des principaux acteurs de la DG8 et leurs coalitions changeantes aux compétences et instruments successivement mobilisés pour asseoir l’autorité et la légitimité de l’institution et professionnaliser ses mécanismes d’allocation d’aides aux pays d’Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique. L’article met ainsi en évidence les mécanismes d’une bureaucratisation inachevée, rythmée par les élargissements successifs et le souci des nouveaux arrivants de rationaliser ses fonctionnements pour mieux contrôler la DG. The managerial reform of the European Commission's DG Development–formerly DG8–started in the 1990s. Placed in a historical perspective, this reform is seen as the temporary outcome of a long process for bureaucratizing an institution marked, since its origins, by the pervasiveness of patronage. The sociology of the principal parties involved in the DG8 and their changing coalitions are linked to the powers and instruments successively used to establish this institution's authority and legitimacy and to professionalize its procedures for allocating aid to countries in Africa, the Caribbean Basin and the Pacific. Light is shed on this incomplete bureaucratization, punctuated by successive expansions of the EU, as new member-states have sought to rationalize the DG's operations in order to better control it.

An important new discussion of Africa's place in the international system. This volume discusses Africa's place in the international system, examining the way in which the Westphalian system, in light of the impact of globalization and transnational networks, continues to play a major role in the structuring of Africa's international relations. The book provides a solid empirical analysis of key global players in Africa - France, the UK, the US, Japan, Germany, the EU and the UN - and of their policies towards the region. In the context of the 'war against terrorism', African political stability becomes a consideration of increasing importance. By analyzing the relevance of the states in the North, this book challenges conventional wisdom in recent international relations thinking. It applies the concept of an 'international policy community' to bridge the gap between the 'domestic' and the 'international', explaining why Africa retains a role in global politics out of any proportion to its economic weight.

The paper discusses trade relations between the European Union and African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries over the period from 2000 to 2014. The analysis is based on the data retrieved from the UN Comtrade Database. The EU-ACP trade is analyzed in seven regional groups (Central Africa, Eastern and Southern Africa, East African Community, Southern African Development Community, West Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific) separately. The EU has been negotiating Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with those groups of countries since 2008. The European Union is a major trading partner for ACP countries. However, it has been gradually losing its role as their most important trading partner for Asian giants. The EU dominates in trade with West Africa and the Caribbean countries. China and India have been more important trading partners for Eastern and Southern Africa since 2007, Pacific (2009), East African Community and Southern African Development Community (2010), and Central Africa (2014). Moreover, the Asian giants’ trade with 80 ACP countries has been surpassing the EU-ACP trade since 2012. It seems that South-South cooperation which has been intensively developed by China and India with ACP countries wins with the EU-led trade liberalization and its EPAs.

Authors from different backgrounds (including law, political science and economics) analyze the forces that gave rise to the new agreement as well as the negotiating process of the new agreement, and the negotiations that are taking place to produce the planned Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) that are to replace the existing non-reciprocal trade preferences that are incompatible with WTO law.

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction Demographics and economics Impairment, activity and participation Specific challenges Evidence for best practice General approach to investigations Patient autonomy Advanced Care Planning Pragmatic management Case Study Conclusions References

The insertion of human rights commitments into international economic agreements is now a widespread practice. We argue that the effect of such commitments depends on the degree of leverage held by one partner over the other. In a comprehensive analysis of the European Union’s (EU’s) relations with developing countries, we find that human rights clauses are conditionally effective; they are associated with improved political freedom and physical integrity rights only in countries that are more heavily dependent on EU aid. An in-depth look at the EU’s enforcement of its human rights clause in the African-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP) group reveals that the Union most often responds to violations of political rights—particularly coups and flawed elections—and that enforcement is indeed a more powerful catalyst for change in highly aid-dependent states. Alternative explanations—that the impact of the human rights clause depends on legalization, the country’s strategic importance, NGO activity, or domestic institutions—find little support.

In 2000 the European Union and its 78 African-Caribbean-Pacific partners signed the Cotonou Agreement, heralding a new era in developmental politics. This comprehensive book draws attention to the limitations in the EU's approach to implementing pro-poor, environmentally sustainable development amongst its African-Caribbean-Pacific partners.