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With the serious environment pollution and power crisis, the increasing of renewable energy resource (RES) becomes a new tendency. However, the high proportion of RES may affect the stability of the system when using the conventional droop control with a fixed droop coefficient. In order to prevent the power overloading/curtailment, this paper proposes an adaptive fuzzy droop control (AFDC) scheme with a P-f droop coefficient adjustment to achieve an optimized power sharing. The droop coefficient is adjusted considering the power fluctuation of RES units and the relationship of power generation and demand, which can realize the stability requirements and economic power sharing for the islanded microgrid. What is more, a secondary control is considered to restore the frequency/voltage drop resulting from the droop control. The proposed strategy improves the stability and economics of microgrid with a droop-based renewable energy source, which is verified in MATLAB/Simulink with three simulations which are variations in load, in generation and in load and generation simultaneously. The simulation results show the effectiveness of the proposed control strategy for stable and economic operation for the microgrid.

We reexamine the effects of welfare on family structure, emphasizing that AFDC and TANF rules are based more on the biological relationship of the mother’s children to any male in the household than on marriage or cohabitation. We find that many 1990s welfare reform policies did not affect family structure, but that several work-related reforms increased single parenthood and decreased marriage to biological fathers. These effects are most evident when work-related reforms are bundled and examined over a longer time period. We hypothesize that these effects stem from increased earnings of single mothers and factors specific to biological fathers.

In this paper, we examine what groups of children are served by core childhood social safety net programs—including Medicaid, EITC, CTC, SNAP, and AFDC/TANF—and how they have changed over time. We find that virtually all gains in spending on the social safety net for children since 1990 have gone to families with earnings, and to families with income above the poverty line. These trends are the result of welfare reform and the expansion of in-work tax credits. We review the available research and find that access to safety net programs during childhood improves outcomes for children and society over the long run. This evidence suggests that the recent changes to the social safety net may have lasting negative effects on the poorest children.

This paper re-creates three of the samples from LaLonde’s famous 1986 paper that began the literature on “within-study designs” that uses experiments as benchmarks against which to assess the performance of nonexperimental identification strategies. In particular, we recreate the experimental data for the target group of women on welfare from the National Supported Work (NSW) Demonstration and two of the corresponding comparison groups drawn from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). The loss of these data resulted in the (sizable) subsequent literature devoting its attention solely to the NSW men. In addition to repeating LaLonde’s analyses on our recreations of his files for the AFDC women, we apply (many of) the estimators from later papers by Dehejia and Wahba and by Smith and Todd to these data. Our findings support the general view in the literature that women on welfare pose a less difficult selection problem when evaluating employment and training programs. They also call into question the generalizability of some of the broad conclusions that Dehejia and Wahba and Smith and Todd draw from their analyses of the NSW men.

For nearly four decades, child welfare policy and practice have focused on the achievement of legal permanence for children in foster care. Although federal child welfare policy has resulted in the movement of children from state custody to legally permanent adoptive or guardianship families, little is known about the quality and enduring nature of these placements. A significant challenge of the twenty-first century child welfare system is how to ensure the well-being of children currently living with adoptive parents or guardians. This paper discusses child welfare policy and trends related to post-permanency well-being, including the decrease in Title IV-E foster care caseloads nationwide and the simultaneous increase in Title IV-E adoptive and guardianship caseloads. We highlight the needs of a twenty-first century child welfare system, including increased federal efforts to ensure child permanence and well-being after legal adoption or guardianship has been achieved, as well as more rigorous longitudinal and interdisciplinary research focused on the post-permanency adjustment of children and their families.

The political transformation that culminated in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act fueled scholarly interest in welfare history. As politicians dismantled welfare, scholars discovered long histories of raced and gendered social control, intertwined public and private interests, and fixations on work and personal responsibility. They also recovered more promising possibilities of cash assistance. This article examines foundational welfare histories published between 1971 and 2018. I suggest that this somewhat isolated body of work has shed bright light on the history of neoliberalism from the perspective of people never fully included into social citizenship. It exposes how neoliberalism is and is not different from mid-century liberalism and recovers a long history of resistance. In an era when few talk about cash assistance, welfare historiography is vital for restoring fading memory of its redistributive potential.

Why did the War on Poverty give way to the war on welfare? Many in the United States saw the welfare reforms of 1996 as the inevitable result of twelve years of conservative retrenchment in American social policy, but there is evidence that the seeds of this change were sown long before the Reagan Revolution-and not necessarily by the Right.The War on Welfare: Family, Poverty, and Politics in Modern Americatraces what Bill Clinton famously called \"the end of welfare as we know it\" to the grassroots of the War on Poverty thirty years earlier. Marshaling a broad variety of sources, historian Marisa Chappell provides a fresh look at the national debate about poverty, welfare, and economic rights from the 1960s through the mid-1990s. In Chappell's telling, we experience the debate over welfare from multiple perspectives, including those of conservatives of several types, liberal antipoverty experts, national liberal organizations, labor, government officials, feminists of various persuasions, and poor women themselves. During the Johnson and Nixon administrations, deindustrialization, stagnating wages, and widening economic inequality pushed growing numbers of wives and mothers into the workforce. Yet labor unions, antipoverty activists, and moderate liberal groups fought to extend the fading promise of the family wage to poor African Americans families through massive federal investment in full employment and income support for male breadwinners. In doing so, however, these organizations condemned programs like Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) for supposedly discouraging marriage and breaking up families. Ironically their arguments paved the way for increasingly successful right-wing attacks on both \"welfare\" and the War on Poverty itself.

The prevalence of chronic conditions among children has been rising in the past four decades. Despite the policy relevance and plausible mechanisms through which child disability and severe early life health conditions can impact subsequent maternal reproductive behavior, there has been limited investigation of this question particularly in the US. Child disability or severe early life health problems such as very preterm birth (VPTB) and very low birth weight (VLBW) can constrain household resources to have another child but may also increase parental demand for healthy children and modify allocation of resources between children. Empirical assessment of this question is complicated by unobservables such as maternal health and preferences. We examine whether giving birth to a child with disabilities or severe adverse birth outcomes including VPTB and VLBW impacts subsequent maternal fertility. We employ a mother fixed-effect duration model for maternal fertility over time as a function of the proportion of previously born children with disabilities/health conditions in order to account for time-invariant unobservables, using merged data from the 1993 National Health Interview Survey and 1995 National Survey of Family Growth. We find no evidence that having disabled children reduces subsequent live births when using the mother fixed-effect model, in contrast to the classical model using within and between mother variation which suggests a fertility decline. Similarly, we find no evidence that having VPTB or VLBW children reduces fertility. Overall, our findings indicate no impact of child disability or health conditions on subsequent maternal fertility. Additional analyses excluding women who may qualify for AFDC show overall a similar pattern of results, suggesting that the findings may be generalizable post the AFDC. Time-varying unobservables may still be at work, but they likely result in an opposite (negative) bias toward reduction in fertility.

Objectives. This article addresses the role of Wal-Mart Store entrance in changing expenditures on federal and state anti-poverty transfers in the United States. Methods. Using a panel of the conterminous 48 states, correcting for time and spatial autocorrelation and local government mix and policy changes. Results. I find that the number of Wal-Marts and their employment share in the retail sector have no impact on food stamps or AFDC/TANF expenditures. In models that account for retail employment share a 1 percent increase in the Wal-Mart’s share reduced AFDC/TANF expenditures by 3.3 percent. Conclusions. I find that Wal-Mart does increase Medicaid expenditures by roughly $898 per worker, which is consistent with other studies of the Medicaid costs per low-wage worker across the United States.

The diverse composition of American families and changing ways of raising our children have become subjects of intense scrutiny by researchers and policymakers in recent years. Shifting demographics and work patterns, growing numbers of women in the work force, teenage pregnancy, single-parent families, and the deinstitutionalization of the elderly, disabled, and mentally ill--all these trends have significantly affected family life. Evaluating Family Programs effectively bridges the gap between researchers and practitioners in order to bring practical, understandable advice to providers of family programs and to program funders and policymakers. Heather B. Weiss and Francine H. Jacobs have collected in this volume works which move outside the traditional approaches of their disciplines to create new models for delivering and evaluating services. This sets a mood of genuine inquiry and excitement about successful aspects of programs while maintaining openness about the limitations of both research and practice. By expanding the research model, this work is an attempt to understand reciprocal influences of extended family, culture, community, and social institutions. It urges those who advocate program accountability to understand that not all types of evaluations are appropriate for all programs, and it notes that limitations in current evaluation technologies make it difficult to evaluate outcomes. Evaluating Family Programs reminds the reader that in order to develop sound family policy we must look at children and families in context. Beacuse policymakers, program administrators, and informed citizens have come to rely more upon the results of evaluation research, we must improve our methods while not losing sight of its limitations. It is a thought-provoking contribution to the efforts of those who seek to support the American family with compassion, understanding, and realism.