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Nasser's Gambledraws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as \"my Vietnam.\" Jesse Ferris argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi-Egyptian struggle over Yemen, Ferris demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the \"Arab Cold War\" set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative,Nasser's Gamblebrings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.

The Arab National Conference (ANC) is the prime popular Arab nationalist institution in the Arab world. Over the last three decades it has managed to reframe the Arab nationalist narrative and redefine the concept of Arab nationalism. The positions and statements of the ANC are key to the resurgence of Arab nationalism and to the understanding of events currently taking place in the Arab homeland.

This article analyses and describes the political thought of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, the founder-together with Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Bīṭār-and the main ideologue of the Arab Baʿṯ Socialist Party (Ḥizb al-Baʿṯ al-ʿarabī al-ištirākī).1 Mīšīl ʿAflaq was an atypical figure in his contemporary Middle Eastern society, who differ from the strongmen that typified his era such as Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣer and Qaḏḏāfī. He was an intellectual, a philosopher, who, with his ideas of Panarabism and Arab socialism affected more than a generation of Arab youth. His dream of Arab Unity became a reality from 1958-1961 with the merger of Egypt and Syria into the United Arab Republic, and the Panarabist Party he created became one of the key players in Middle East from the 1940s onwards. This paper, after sketching a brief biography of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, focuses on his understanding of Nationalism and Arab Socialism, on which his ideology is grounded. By connecting these two ideas, he created a monist ideology in which the mission of Arab Unity is both the starting point and the final goal.

This paper attempts to trace the achievements and failures that have affected the Arab nation (the Ummah), and the impediments that have been strewn in its path, preventing the realization of the visions it had for its future, since the end of the Second World War. It discusses the reasons behind the subjugation of the Arab nation to the hegemonic interests of external factors, primary actors and stakeholders. It elaborates on how foreign interests and interventions have conspired, along with internal factors and determinants endemic to the various infrastructures of Arab regimes, to fragment the Arab nation and perpetuate the divisions between the Arab countries and their underdevelopment/backwardness. It analyses the current situation, and proposes a set of recommendations that may help to extricate it from the current impasse in which the Arab nation is blocked.

لم يخطر ببال الولايات المتحدة، أن تخرج، وسط الدول العربية المستعمَرة، نخب تمثل مصالح شعوبها، وتدعو إلى استقلال حقيقي، لا صوري، كما لم يخطر ببال الوافد «الإمبريالي الجديد» أن قوىً دولية صاعدة ستشكل سداً منيعاً في وجه الوافد الأمريكي الطامح إلى السيطرة والهيمنة الاستعماريتين، والإحلال مكان من تواروا عن المشهد الأمامي. فقد تلاقت مصالح حركات التحرر العربية والعالمية، مع مصالح النظام الاشتراكي الذي يمثله المعسكر الاشتراكي ويقوده الاتحاد السوفياتي، ولذا تناولت الورقة الوحدة المصرية -السورية: قراءة جديدة لممهدات الانفصال 1940-1961. وتطرقت الورقة إلى انبعاث الناصرية كمشروع تحرري، والمواجهة مع الإمبريالية، ومقدمات الانفصال عام 1961 حيث أنه حدث في نهاية أربعينيات القرن المنصرم، بدأت الانقلابات في سورية؛ فالجيش السوري كان لا يزال حديث الولادة، والتيارات السياسية التي عرفتها سورية ودخلت إلى المؤسسة العسكرية، كان كل منها له مشروعه، فأصبحت سورية مختبراً للمشاريع والسياسات المنبثقة من واقع المجتمع المحلي، أو الوافدة من الخارج، وكانت سورية عام 1957 دولة محاصرة من جانب حلف بغداد (العراق - أنقرة - عمان)، وكذلك من جانب إسرائيل ولبنان، حيث قرر الرئيس اللبناني كميل شمعون الانضمام إلى حلف بغداد، ومحاصرة سورية على الساحة اللبنانية أيضاً، من خلال تغذية الصراعات بين التيارات السياسية، وبخاصة بين الشيوعيين والبعثيين، وكلاهما يطمح إلى السيطرة على الحكم. وكان عفيف البزري المقرب من الشيوعيين رئيساً للمجلس العسكري في سورية. هكذا تحوّل الجيش السوري إلى جيش تقوده قوى سياسية تتدخل في شؤون السلطة المدنية وفي القرارات الداخلية. كُتب هذا المستخلص من قِبل دار المنظومة 2018