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This article examines the poetic voices of Egyptian poet Ahmad Abd al-Mu'ti Hijazi in five representative poems written between 1950 and 2011. It investigates the role of major political events in the Arab world on his trajectory and poetic voice. The article argues that Hijazi changes his poetic voice in relation to the status quo in Egypt. The article concludes that these voices conflict and clash with one another. Hijazi publishes a collection of poetry after the eruption of the Egyptian Revolution in January 2011, to inspire his people, protest against Mubarak's regime, and regain his poetic voice.

This book is a direct window onto the workshop of Abū Manṣūr al-Thaʿālibī (350-429/961-1039), an anthologist from the second half of the fourth/tenth century, and focuses on the making of his magnum opus, Yatīmat al-dahr, and its sequel, Tatimmat al-Yatīma.

The Texture of the Divine explores the central role of the imagination in the shared symbolic worlds of medieval Islam and Judaism. Aaron W. Hughes looks closely at three interrelated texts known as the Hayy ibn Yaqzan cycle (dating roughly from 1000--1200 CE) to reveal the interconnections not only between Muslims and Jews, but also between philosophy, mysticism, and literature. Each of the texts is an initiatory tale, recounting a journey through the ascending layers of the universe. These narratives culminate in the imaginative apprehension of God, in which the traveler gazes into the divine presence. The tales are beautiful and poetic literary works as well as probing philosophical treatises on how the individual can know the unknowable. In this groundbreaking work, Hughes reveals the literary, initiatory, ritualistic, and mystical dimensions of medieval Neoplatonism. The Texture of the Divine also includes the first complete English translation of Abraham Ibn Ezra's Hay ben Meqitz.

A unique collection of studies, the present volume sheds new light on central themes of Ibn Taymiyya's (661/1263-728/1328) and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya's (691/1292-751/1350) thought and the relevance of their ideas to diverse Muslim societies. Investigating their positions in Islamic theology, philosophy and law, the contributions discuss a wide range of subjects, e.g. law and order; the divine compulsion of human beings; the eternity of eschatological punishment; the treatment of Sufi terminology; and the proper Islamic attitude towards Christianity. Notably, a section of the book is dedicated to analyzing Ibn Taymiyya's struggle for and against reason as well as his image as a philosopher in contemporary Islamic thought. Several articles present the influential legacy of both thinkers in shaping an Islamic discourse facing the challenges of modernity. This volume will be especially useful for students and scholars of Islamic studies, philosophy, sociology, theology, and history of ideas.

A Sudanese security expert has suggested that the devastating terrorist attacks on US cities could be the work of home-grown terrorists disenchanted with globalization or corporations with an axe to grind with the US administration. The following is an excerpt from a recorded interview between radio journalist Abd-al-Wahhab Salih and Maj-Gen (retd) Mu'tasim Abd-al-Wahhab, described as an expert on strategic and military affairs, and Sayyid Khatib, director of the Centre for Strategic Studies in Sudan; broadcast by Sudanese radio on 12 September; all subheadings inserted editorially: The type of operations that were carried out in New York and Washington yesterday, which by all estimations can be considered a great catastrophe, indicate without the least doubt the existence of an organizing quarter deeply enmeshed in American society - at all military and civilian levels - and capable of such kind of complex and secret planning capable of paralysing the movement of a superpower in a successful manner. This is unprecedented. If such an analysis is correct it is imperative to search for those who carried out these operations within the American society, be it in the military, or in the security services, within the CIA, or within the American extremist organizations. Abd-al-Wahhab Salih contacted Maj- Gen (retd) Mu'tasim Abd-al-Wahhab, an expert on strategic and military affairs and asked him what was the meaning of what had happened. [Mu'tasim] Yes; I referred to that when I said that it [America] was striving for absolute security irrespective of the fact that this would mean abolishing the principle of absolute security to the rest of the states. My dear brother, the circles of security must be connected and closed from foreign and local threats. The USA gave greater prominence to the circle of foreign threat - defence shield of ballistic missiles against - be it Russia, notwithstanding, the collapse of the old Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War and the dissident states like China, Korea, Iran, for example, and Iraq. These countries have the capability to launch missiles that could pose a threat. Therefore, it [America] closed the foreign circle and closed the interior circle [sentence as heard]. There was no one among them who thought that the magnitude of the internal threat could be this big. It extends, for example, beyond the subject of someone driving a lorry full of explosives, or someone blowing himself up inside in a plane or in any other group. Indeed, this is not a stereotypical act. To be exact, the suddenness with which the operation was carried out is stunning. This was not a stereotypical operation and it stunned people. Many people thought it was an illusion.

Al-Mada newspaper caries on its front page a 500-word interview with Iraqi Vice-President Ruz Nuri Shawish. Commenting on the government's \"commitment\" to hold elections on the set date. Shawis says that \"the government is working persistently to meet the set date, expressing his hope that the four months remaining before the elections date would be enough to effect positive developments that would guarantee holding free, honest, and transparent elections. He added that considering Iraq as one constituency will help in preventing and eliminating security dangers, if any, noting that the only party to benefit from postponing elections is terrorism and the forces behind it. Shawis underlined the importance of national reconciliation through which all spectrums of the Iraqi community would agree on a national programme that would develop political work and stop violence.\" Al-Bayan publishes on page 3 a 400-word article by Inas Adil Shakir, entitled \"Iraqis and Elections: A Future Outlook.\" Shakir says that although the security situation might be an obstacle, the election process will continue \"despite all challenges\" and will include \"all Iraqi citizens, whether those living in Iraq or exiles.\" Shakir then condemns the position of \"some hostile forces\" towards the National Assembly, which she says seeks to \"launch the democratic process in the country.\" The writer concludes by calling on the United Nations to supervise the elections, saying there should be \"clear guarantees\" that the elections will be fair. (processing) Al-Adalah publishes on page 4 an 800-word article by [Abd]-al- Karim al-Jizani saying the issue of elections is one of the most important and hottest issues of interest to the Iraqi people. \"This is because the outcome of the elections will have a direct and swift impact on the overall political and social life and because elections will lay the groundwork for a new stage through which social justice, complete freedom, and equality would be achieved.\" The writer notes that the \"majority of Iraqis\" want these elections to be held on schedule, saying the goals the Iraqis have been struggling to achieve \"would not be achieved unless those chosen by the Iraqi people come to power.\"