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This forum contribution explores the strengths and limits of Noam Yuran’s innovative call for a new political economy of sex and desire. It has three prongs. First, I discuss Yuran’s compelling focus on the curious durability of monogamy as an institution. Second, I examine his analysis of thinkers such as Mandeville and Weber. Finally, I turn to the question of love. I suggest that Yuran’s approach opens a pathway to a more loving and more realistic political economy of intimacy and familial love, one that I suggest is missing in much critical theory today, particularly in the rhetoric of family abolitionists.

The Euro-American Enlightenment has reformed global moral norms. This reform has provoked humanity to rethink many issues that had been normalized but were nevertheless still moral problems (Hallaq 2019). This  notion applies to many civilizational aspects, but especially the issue of slavery. Some might question why such an immoral institution was seemingly casually practiced in the past without significant opposition. Not only in a particular society, but it seems that the majority—without wishing to generalize—of societies historically accepted slavery as a normal practice. This is the question that provokes Jonathan Brown to reassess the issue of slavery. In particular, this inquiry was provoked following the declaration in 2014 by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant / the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIL/ISIS) that the reintroduction of concubinage was legitimate. Following this move, for some the topic of slavery and concubinage came to be identified as a fundamental Islamic teaching.

Many Caribbean writers foreground the memory of colonialism and emancipation as a key point of tension in their protagonists' evolution. Focussing on Jamaica Kincaid's novel Annie John andJean Rhys's Wide Sargasso Sea, this analysis highlights how the writers redefine or (re)represent African Caribbean emancipation through the revisioning of history, gender, and the reclaiming of voice. Both writers use the historical novel genre to deepen our understanding of emancipation as a critical historical moment in Caribbean history. Wide Sargasso Sea illustrates the characters' struggles to redefine themselves and assert agency over their lives in the post- emancipation period. In contrast, Annie John is set in a postcolonial Jamaica, where Kincaid questions not only the lingering effects of colonialism but also what true emancipation means in an independent society. This close reading positions the historical novel as a tool for the re- envisioning of self within the contested sociopolitical and economic context of emancipation and colonialisation in Caribbean societies.

This article argues that Jab-Jab, a Black Grenadian cultural expression portrayed during Carnival, is central to an understanding of the struggles for true Emancipation and freedom in the (post-)colonial and (post-)revolutionary society of Grenada. It contends that Jab-Jab intervenes and becomes more pronounced during moments of extreme inequality, dispossession, and inequity and that its intervention provides a lens to understand Emancipation and its subsequent alienation and injustices. I locate Jab-Jab performances as re-memorialisation/ re-memorisation-an act of recalling, re- enacting, or re-performing a previous memory. Jab-Jab re-memorises historic resistance spanning the long duration of Emancipation manifested in the present through performance. This exploration provides a reparative framework for reading cultural performances centring performativity as an interrogation of the past in the present.

There was racism in the ancient world, after all. This groundbreaking book refutes the common belief that the ancient Greeks and Romans harbored \"ethnic and cultural,\" but not racial, prejudice. It does so by comprehensively tracing the intellectual origins of racism back to classical antiquity. Benjamin Isaac's systematic analysis of ancient social prejudices and stereotypes reveals that some of those represent prototypes of racism--or proto-racism--which in turn inspired the early modern authors who developed the more familiar racist ideas. He considers the literature from classical Greece to late antiquity in a quest for the various forms of the discriminatory stereotypes and social hatred that have played such an important role in recent history and continue to do so in modern society. Magisterial in scope and scholarship, and engagingly written, The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity further suggests that an understanding of ancient attitudes toward other peoples sheds light not only on Greco-Roman imperialism and the ideology of enslavement (and the concomitant integration or non-integration) of foreigners in those societies, but also on the disintegration of the Roman Empire and on more recent imperialism as well. The first part considers general themes in the history of discrimination; the second provides a detailed analysis of proto-racism and prejudices toward particular groups of foreigners in the Greco-Roman world. The last chapter concerns Jews in the ancient world, thus placing anti-Semitism in a broader context.

Through the lens of a hitherto unstudied repertoire of Dutch abolitionist theatre productions, Repertoires of Slavery pries open the conflicting ideological functions of antislavery discourse within and outside the walls of the theatre and examines the ways in which abolitionist protesters wielded the strife-ridden question of slavery to negotiate the meanings of human rights, subjecthood, and subjection. The book explores how dramatic visions of antislavery provided a site for (re)mediating a white metropolitan-and at times a specifically Dutch-identity. It offers insight into the late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century theatrical modes, tropes, and scenarios of racialised subjection and considers them as materials of the 'Dutch cultural archive,' or the Dutch 'reservoir' of sentiments, knowledge, fantasies, and beliefs about race and slavery that have shaped the dominant sense of the Dutch self up to the present day.

The fear that business corporations have claimed unwarranted constitutional protections which have entrenched corporate power has produced a broad social movement demanding that constitutional rights be restricted to human beings and corporate personhood be abolished. We develop a critique of these proposals organized around the three salient rationales we identify in the accompanying narrative, which we argue reflect a narrow focus on large business corporations, a misunderstanding of the legal concept of personhood, and a failure to distinguish different kinds of constitutional rights and the reasons for assigning them. Corporate personhood and corporate constitutional rights are not problematic per se once these notions are decoupled from biological, metaphysical, or moral considerations. The real challenge is that we need a principled way of thinking about the priority of human over corporate persons which does not reduce the efficacy of corporate institutions or harm liberal democracies.