Catalogue Search | MBRL
Are you sure you want to remove the book from the shelf?
{{itemTitle}}
8,714
result(s) for
"Affiliation"
Sort by:
Non-policy politics : richer voters, poorer voters, and the diversification of electoral strategies
\"Political parties can select the policies they offer, but have different reputations for competence, unequal capacity to mobilize activists, and different resources to deliver pork and patronage. These are crucial non-policy resources shaping their electoral success. We show how these non-policy resources also shape parties' ideological positions and which type of electoral offers they target to poorer or richer voters. Hence, non-policy politics shapes both electoral success and which voters get what. We describe how the book assesses voters' non-policy preferences with detailed survey and administrative data from Argentina and Chile, including a novel methodology for measuring partisan networks, and how those preferences shapes parties policy and non-policy offers\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Corrigendum \Corrigendum Statistical Analysis of Partial Discharge Characteristics in Transformer Oil at the “Point-Plane” Electrode at Alternating Voltage\
On the page 1 of this article: authors Korobeynikov S.M. and Bychkov A.L. should get additional affiliation “Lavrentyev Institute of Hydrodynamics of SB RAS, Novosibirsk, Russian Federation”.
Journal Article
Cognitive Representations of Social Relationships and their Developmental Origins
In the human mind, what is a social relationship, and what are the developmental origins of this representation? I consider findings from infant psychology and propose that our representations of social relationships are intuitive theories built on core knowledge. I propose three central components of this intuitive theory. The purpose of the first component is to recognize whether a relationship exists, the purpose of the second is to characterize the relationship by categorizing it into a model and to compute its strength (i.e., intensity, pull, or thickness), and the purpose of the third is to understand how to change relationships through explicit or implicit communication. I propose that infants possess core knowledge on which this intuitive theory is built. This paper focuses on the second component and considers evidence that infants characterize relationships. Following Relational Models Theory (A. P. Fiske, 1992, 2004) I propose that from infancy humans recognize relationships that belong to three models: communal sharing (where people are ‘one’), authority ranking (where people are ranked), and equality matching (where people are separate, but evenly balanced). I further propose that humans, and potentially infants, recognize a relationship's strength which can be thought of as a continuous representation of obligations (the extent to which certain actions are expected), and commitment (the likelihood that people will continue the relationship). These representations and the assumption that others share them allow us to form, maintain, and change social relationships throughout our lives by informing how we interpret and evaluate the actions of others and plan our own.
Journal Article
Are politics local? : the two dimensions of party nationalization around the world
\"Are politics local? Why? Where? When? How do we measure local versus national politics? And what are the effects? This book provides answers to these questions, within an explicitly comparative framework, including both advanced and developing democracies. It does so by using a statistically-based and graphical account of party nationalization, providing methodology and data for legislative elections covering scores of parties across dozens of countries. The book divides party nationalization into two dimensions - static and dynamic - to capture different aspects of localism, both with important implications for representation. Static nationalization measures the consistency in a party's support across the country and thus shows whether parties are able to encompass local concerns into their platforms. Dynamic nationalization, in turn, measures the consistency among the districts in over-time change in electoral results, under the presumption that where districts differ in their electoral responses, local factors must drive politics. Each of the two dimensions, in sum, considers representation from the perspective of the mix of national versus local politics\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Red State
In November 1960, the Democratic party dominated Texas. The newly elected vice president, Lyndon Johnson, was a Texan. Democrats held all thirty statewide elective positions. The state legislature had 181 Democrats and no Republicans or anyone else. Then fast forward fifty years to November 2010. Texas has not voted for a Democratic president since 1976. Every statewide elective office is held by Republicans. Representing Texas in Washington is a congressional delegation of twenty-five Republicans and nine Democrats. Republicans control the Texas Senate by a margin of nineteen to twelve and the Texas House of Representatives by 101 to 49. Red State explores why this transformation of Texas politics took place and what these changes imply for the future. As both a political scientist and a Republican party insider, Wayne Thorburn is especially qualified to explain how a solidly one-party Democratic state has become a Republican stronghold. He analyzes a wealth of data to show how changes in the state’s demographics—including an influx of new residents, the shift from rural to urban, and the growth of the Mexican American population—have moved Texas through three stages of party competition, from two-tiered politics, to two-party competition between Democrats and Republicans, and then to the return to one-party dominance, this time by Republicans. His findings reveal that the shift from Democratic to Republican governance has been driven not by any change in Texans’ ideological perspective or public policy orientation—even when Texans were voting Democrat, conservatives outnumbered liberals or moderates—but by the Republican party’s increasing identification with conservatism since 1960.
eBook
Political parties and legislative party switching
Anâalise comparativa sobre filiaًcنao partidâaria, partido polâitico e sistema partidâario nos seguintes locais: Brasil, Europa, Râussia, Itâalia, Japنao.
Book
Consequences of unit-level organizational citizenship behaviors: A review and recommendations for future research
During the past 30 years, interest in organizational citizenship behaviors (OCBs) has grown substantially. Although much of the early empirical research in this domain was directed at the individual level of analysis, more recently, researchers have focused their attention on identifying the outcomes of group-level or unit-level OCBs, as well as the mediating mechanisms and boundary conditions of the relationships between OCBs and unit-level outcomes. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to provide a summary of the extant literature in this area. First, we discuss the applicability of the types of OCB to the unit level of analysis. Following this, we provide a summary of the literature examining outcomes of unit-level OCBs, with particular attention paid to the mediators and moderators of the relationship between OCBs and unit effectiveness. Next, we examine the methodological characteristics of studies conducted in this research domain. Finally, we make a series of conceptual and methodological recommendations regarding future research on the consequences of unit-level OCBs.
Journal Article
Prevention is political: political party affiliation predicts perceived risk and prevention behaviors for COVID-19
Background
Many US politicians have provided mixed messages about the risks posed by SARS-CoV-2/COVID-19 and whether and to what extent prevention practices should be put in place to prevent transmission. This politicization of the virus and pandemic may affect individuals’ risk perceptions and willingness to take precautions. We examined how political party affiliation relates to risk perception for one’s own and other people’s likelihood of SARS-CoV-2 infection/COVID-19 illness.
Methods
We surveyed members of a nationally-representative, probability-sampling based survey panel (
N
= 410) to examine their risk perceptions, precautionary behaviors, and political party affiliation.
Results
The more strongly one identified as a Republican, the less risk one perceived to oneself from SARS-CoV-2/COVID-19 and the less risk one perceived other people faced. Moreover, those identifying as more strongly Republican engaged in fewer preventive behaviors.
Conclusions
This differential response may affect virus transmission patterns and poses a considerable challenge for health communications efforts.
Journal Article