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\"Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor offers a ... chronicle of the twilight of redlining and the introduction of conventional real estate practices into the Black urban market, uncovering a transition from racist exclusion to predatory inclusion. Widespread access to mortgages across the United States after World War II cemented homeownership as fundamental to conceptions of citizenship and belonging. African Americans had long faced racist obstacles to homeownership, but the social upheaval of the 1960s forced federal government reforms. In the 1970s, new housing policies encouraged African Americans to become homeowners, and these programs generated unprecedented real estate sales in Black urban communities. However, inclusion in the world of urban real estate was fraught with new problems. As new housing policies came into effect, the real estate industry abandoned its aversion to African Americans, especially Black women, precisely because they were more likely to fail to keep up their home payments and slip into foreclosure\"-- Provided by publisher.

Freedom's Ring begins with the question of how the American ideal of freedom, which so effectively defends a conservative agenda today, from globally exploitative free trade to anti-French \"freedom fries\" during the War in Iraq, once bolstered the progressive causes of Freedom Summer, the Free Speech Movement, and more militant Black Power and Women's Liberation movements with equal efficacy. Focused as it is on the faring of freedom throughout the liberation era, this book also explores attempts made by rights movements to achieve the often competitive or cross-canceling American ideal of equality-economic, professional, and otherwise. Although many struggled and died for it in the civil rights era, freedoms such as the vote, integrated bus rides, and sex without consequences via the Pill, are ultimately free-costing officialdom little if anything to fully implement-while equality with respect to jobs, salaries, education, housing, and health care, will forever be the much more expensive nut to crack. Freedom's Ring regards the politics of freedom, and politics in general, as a low-cost substitute for and engrossing distraction from substantive economic problem-solving from the liberation era to the present day.

This article examines the interplay of race, class, and gender in early twentieth-century Pittsburgh through the activism of African American women reformers in community institutions such as the local Urban League and NAACP chapters. These women felt the twin pressures of race and gender restrain their career prospects. Excluded from positions of leadership in mainstream Black organizations, they also encountered racial barriers to a host of occupations considered appropriate for white women only, such as nursing and teaching. Despite these obstacles, Black women reformers helped advance social justice and mitigate health and housing crises that emerged during the Great Migration. Moreover, their grassroots engagement with poor and working-class African Americans bridged regional and class divisions, fostered racial solidarity, and built up the institutional strength of Black communities. Through this analytical lens, this article offers a reappraisal of Black reform work that more fully historicizes it.

Oppression against Black women continues to be a significant problem in the United States. The purpose of this study is to use grounded theory to identify multiple dimensions of oppression experienced by impoverished Black women who use drugs by examining several settings in which participants experience oppression. Three case studies of drug using, impoverished Black women were randomly selected from two large scale consecutive ethnographic studies conducted in New York City from 1998 to 2005. Analysis revealed five dimensions of oppression occurring within eight distinct settings. While dimensions constitute different manifestations of oppression, settings represented areas within participants' lives or institutions with which participants interact. Dimensions of oppression included classism, sexism, familism, racism, and drugism. Settings included the school system, correction system, welfare system, housing and neighborhood, relationship with men, family, experiences with drug use, and employment. Findings have important implications for social justice, welfare, drug, and justice system policy.

Physical activity protects against heart disease, diabetes, high blood pressure, obesity, and cancer. Fewer than 40% of African American women obtain recommended amounts of physical activity. Healthy Campus 2010 identifies physical activity as a top priority for improving the health of college students. However, during college, women tend to reduce their levels of physical activity. This study examines the relationship between campus housing and physical activity behaviors in a sample of African American female college students (N = 138). Participants who lived on campus were significantly more likely to meet the recommended amounts of both moderate and vigorous physical activity than students who lived off campus (44% vs. 19%). The results demonstrate the importance of campus fitness resources in explaining the role that the built environment can play in increased physical activity among this population. Recommendations for the use of the campus's built environment and fitness resources are provided.

Early-twentieth-century New Orleans was extraordinarily violent, and the city’s domestic homicide rate was particularly high. Remarkably rich sources for the period from 1921 to 1945 reveal distinct race- and gender-based levels and etiologies of spousal murder. Although challenges to patriarchal authority and men’s proprietary control triggered most of the violence, the African American partner homicide rate was seven times the white rate, and the African American women’s spousal homicide rate five times that of white men and a dozen times that of white women. These disparities reflected the interaction among race relations, gender ideals, and a series of neighborhood and institutional forces, which combined to reinforce masculine privilege in white families and destabilize household authority in African American families, resulting in divergent patterns of spousal murder.

Meanwhile, stocks closed mixed yesterday led by gains in tech and industrial companies. The Dow did decline twenty-six points. The NASDAQ closed up eighteen, hitting a new record. The S&P 500 gained three points.

African-American students at Illinois experienced discrimination on and off campus. Perhaps emboldened by legal victories in the South and the more aggressive mood of black liberation efforts, some black students involved themselves in protest. In 1946 the university's board of trustees reaffirmed its policy to \"favor and strengthen those attitudes and social philosophies which are necessary to create a community atmosphere in which race prejudice can not thrive.\" But discrimination continued. On campus, housing became a flash point. In the first half of the twentieth century only two women's dormitories existed. Not until 1945 did African-American women receive space in the dormitories and only after a very public campaign by concerned African Americans in Chicago, home for most African-American students. Charles J. Jenkins, an African-American state representative, mounted a personal campaign to open the residence halls to African-American women by petitioning the university, meeting with the university president Arthur Cutts Willard, and soliciting possible candidates for application to the dormitories. The Illinois Association of Colored Women's Clubs also became very active in the desegregation campaign. In the tradition of the black press, the Daily Defender, the African-American Chicago newspaper, held university administrators' feet to the fire by publicizing the dormitory situation and chastising the university. The newspaper deliberately used buzzwords for racism and discrimination in an article entitled \"Just Like Dixie: No U of I Dorms for Negroes,\" pointing out that \"Jim Crow has crowded Negro girl students completely off the University of Illinois campus.\" President Willard, mildly receptive to the pressure, promised Representative Jenkins and the Colored Women's Clubs he would ask the director of the Division of Student Housing \"to hold space for two girls for the time being, because I want the group which is interested in the situation to feel that the University is being absolutely fair.\" In August 1945 the acting director of housing alerted the president that two African-American women, Quintella King and Ruthe Cashe, had accepted their dormitory contracts for the 1945-46 academic year. Other African-American women would follow, but all were assigned rooms together -- the university desegregated the dormitories by allowing African-American women to reside there, but African-American and white women were not allowed to room together. The Housing Division averted accidents by soliciting race and national origin information on the dormitory applications. Regardless, African-American students made themselves a part of the campus and took advantage of university life to the best of their ability. A few participated in established university organizations, including Glee Club, literary societies, and the student newspaper, the Daily Illini. Others created organizations parallel to those established by the university or white student groups. Reflective of the black cultural renaissance sweeping the nation in the early twentieth century, several African American-sponsored organizations used the African-American cultural heritage as a basis for their existence and mission. Like their contemporaries, W.E.B. Du Bois and Carter G. Woodson, they brought increasing race sentiment to the college campus. African-American fraternities and sororities and local churches provided most of their social activities. In the early 1930s African-American students formed Cenacle, an honorary society for African-American students that sponsored plays with African-American student actors and a book exhibit in the university library featuring African-American authors. In 1938 black students published the Scribbler, \"the official voice of the Negro students enrolled in the University of Illinois,\" and discussed segregation in Champaign, the debate over voluntary segregation, as well as lighter subjects. In the early 1950s students celebrated Negro History Week, founded by Carter G. Woodson in 1926, with invited speakers, movies, and plays. In this way, African-American students created social and extracurricular outlets for their artistic interests, social welfare, and racial consciousness. Like African Americans in general, African-American students at the University of Illinois demanded to be seen and heard.

Tennessee's rural home improvement campaigns from 1914 through the 1920s are discussed. The processes that shaped efforts at reforming rural domestic material culture are included.