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\"This is the first book to reveal the nineteenth-century struggle for racial integration on U.S. college campuses. As the Civil War ended, the need to heal the scars of slavery, expand the middle class, and reunite the nation engendered a dramatic interest in higher education by policy makers, voluntary associations, and African Americans more broadly. Formed in 1846 by Protestant abolitionists, the American Missionary Association united a network of colleges open to all, designed especially to educate African American and white students together, both male and female. Case studies at three colleges--Berea College, Oberlin College, and Howard University--reveal the strategies administrators used and the challenges they faced as higher education quickly developed as a competitive social field\"-- Provided by publisher.

Reparation and Reconciliationis the first book to reveal the nineteenth-century struggle for racial integration on U.S. college campuses. As the Civil War ended, the need to heal the scars of slavery, expand the middle class, and reunite the nation engendered a dramatic interest in higher education by policy makers, voluntary associations, and African Americans more broadly. Formed in 1846 by Protestant abolitionists, the American Missionary Association united a network of colleges open to all, designed especially to educate African American and white students together, both male and female. The AMA and its affiliates envisioned integrated campuses as a training ground to produce a new leadership class for a racially integrated democracy. Case studies at three colleges--Berea College, Oberlin College, and Howard University--reveal the strategies administrators used and the challenges they faced as higher education quickly developed as a competitive social field.Through a detailed analysis of archival and press data, Christi M. Smith demonstrates that pressures between organizations--including charities and foundations--and the emergent field of competitive higher education led to the differentiation and exclusion of African Americans, Appalachian whites, and white women from coeducational higher education and illuminates the actors and the strategies that led to the persistent salience of race over other social boundaries.

In 1835 Oberlin became the first institute of higher education to make a cause of racial egalitarianism when it decided to educate students \"irrespective of color.\" Yet the visionary college's implementation of this admissions policy was uneven. InConstructing Black Education at Oberlin College: A Documentary History,Roland M. Baumannpresents a comprehensive documentary history of the education of African American students at Oberlin College.Following the Reconstruction era, Oberlin College mirrored the rest of society as it reduced its commitment to black students by treating them as less than equals of their white counterparts. By the middle of the twentieth century, black and white student activists partially reclaimed the Oberlin legacy by refusing to be defined by race. Generations of Oberlin students, plus a minority of faculty and staff, rekindled the college's commitment to racial equality by 1970. In time, black separatism in its many forms replaced the integrationist ethic on campus as African Americans sought to chart their own destiny and advance curricular change.Oberlin's is not a story of unbroken progress, but rather of irony, of contradictions and integrity, of myth and reality, and of imperfections. Baumann takes readers directly to the original sources by including thirty complete documents from the Oberlin College Archives. This richly illustrated volume is an important contribution to the college's 175th anniversary celebration of its distinguished history, for it convincingly documents how Oberlin wrestled over the meaning of race and the destiny of black people in American society.

This study analyzes the experiences of African Americans in the physical education and kinesiology profession since the late 1850s. Using a variety of primary and secondary source material, the authors place special emphasis on the experiences of African American physical educators in higher education and in the American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance and its southern, regional, and state chapters. Apparent from this examination is that African Americans have experienced various forms of racially discriminatory practices in physical education and kinesiology and have found it extraordinarily difficult to assume leadership positions in the profession and be acknowledged for their scholarly and academic accomplishments. Verf.-Referat (geändert).

CHARLES VICTOR ROMAN was born in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, and educated at Hamilton Collegiate Institute in Ontario, Canada. Because of racial discrimination in the United States, African Americans in search of higher education often went abroad to study.

In the fall semester of 1894, Ida Mae Godfrey entered Iowa Wesleyan College (IWC), a small predominantly white coeducational institution in the southeast Iowa town of Mount Pleasant Godfrey, like dozens of whites and eight blacks before her, had graduated from Mount Pleasant High School and was soon faced with a decision concerning the next steps in her life. She could, as did many young black and white women, marry, settle, and raise a family, but her personal and professional aspirations likely convinced her that a college education was the best choice. Although enrolled at IWC, Godfrey most likely lived at home while she attended school. This allowed her parents and extended family to shield her from some of the racial prejudices and possible sexual abuses she may have experienced had she gone away to college and worked as a domestic in a white home to pay for school. In temporarily exerting control over their daughter's life, Mr. and Mrs. Godfrey helped to preserve Ida's mental and physical energies so that she might advance through school and enter one of the most respectable occupations open to black women in the late nineteenth century—teaching.

The quest for education for African Americans has been one of continuous struggle. From the very beginning, enslaved African Americans recognized the importance of literacy and frequently risked their lives to obtain this often forbidden privilege. During the early nineteenth century, free blacks established schools, as well as other institutions, within their communities. Those who lived in areas where there were few African Americans often went to school with whites. Where the population was large, such as in New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, they attended segregated schools. The issue of integration versus segregation has been a constant debate within the African American community for two centuries. While integration was preferred by most blacks, the cost they paid was the loss of black teachers, community schools, and important cultural programs. After Reconstruction, the focus of black education was in the South with the establishment of hundreds of schools for the newly freed men, women, and children. As in the North, blacks in the South established schools within their communities through their churches and as private individuals. In addition, white religious denominations, individual donors, and the Freedmen’s Bureau also aided in the establishment of schools in the South. More than a hundred black colleges were founded from the 1850s through the early twentieth century. The topic of the appropriate curriculum for blacks began in the early- and mid-nineteenth century in the North. These discussions continued in the South with the rise in prominence of conservative educator Booker T. Washington at the end of the nineteenth century—see his “Industrial Education for the Negro” (Washington, 1903/2003).Blacks viewed education as important for the entire race and educated women and girls as readily as they did men and boys. In an era when women of the larger society were socialized to be dependent and educated solely for motherhood and marriage, African American women were educated to help their race (Perkins, 1983, pp. 17–28). They recognized an obligation and duty to their race, and thus, “race uplift” was the motto throughout their communities. While black institutions produced outstanding graduates and successful members of the community, after the New Negro Movement, which stressed black pride and culture, many became more vocal about racial injustices. By the 1930s, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) began its crusade to overturn the “separate but equal” 1896 Supreme Court ruling of Plessy v. Ferguson. Through a series of lawsuits challenging the absence of graduate and professional education for African Americans in some states and, later, segregated public schools, in 1954 the Supreme Court overturned the Plessy decision with Brown v. Board of Education (Brown et al. v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1954). In the fifty years since Brown, blacks have continued the struggle to have the promise of Brown realized.

[Rutherford B. Hayes] made his most important and tangible contributions to the advancement of African Americans after he left the White House. In 1882, a year after he left the presidency, Hayes was appointed chair of the John Fox Slater Fund for the Education of Freemen. Slater, the Connecticut textile industrialist, had established the fund for \"the uplifting of the lately emancipated population of the southern states, and their posterity, by conferring upon them the blessings of Christian education.\" Hayes and the other trustees had the income from $1 million to bestow on institutions of African-American higher education. In his 1959 book on the Slater fund, Teach the Freeman (Louisiana State University Press), historian Louis D. Rubin Jr. wrote that despite its emphasis on industrial education, the fund under Hayes' leadership \"helped make the cause of Negro higher education respectable. The Negro race was worthy of of being educated; it could produce something better than hewers of wood and drawers of water. This is what the Negro colleges, substandard though they might have been, were demonstrating during the last decades of the nineteenth century and the John Slater Fund helped them do it. The Slater fund helped keep alive certain straggling Negro colleges, so that in future years when a better day came, the Negro race would not be entirely unequipped to take advantage of larger opportunities. If Negro education today is still substandard, it is less so because the Slater fund existed.\" One of the ironies of history is that in the nation of Peru, Rutherford B. Hayes is considered a hero for his arbitration of an international dispute that awarded a sizable chunk of land to the nation. Roads, government buildings, and schools in Peru bear Hayes' name. A national holiday is observed to commemorate Hayes' action and every schoolchild knows his name. In the United States and in the African-American community, very few people could even identify Rutherford B. Hayes and almost no one is aware of his contributions to black higher education.