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The term \"Jim Crow\" has had multiple meanings and a dark and complex past. It was first used in the early nineteenth century. After the Civil War it referred to the legal, customary, and often extralegal system that segregated and isolated African Americans from mainstream American life. In response to the increasing loss of their rights of citizenship and the rising tide of violence, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was founded in 1909. The federal government eventually took an active role in dismantling Jim Crow toward the end of the Depression. But it wasn't until the Lyndon Johnson years and all the work that led up to them that the end of Jim Crow finally came to pass. This unique book provides readers with a wealth of primary source materials from 1828 to 1980 that reveal how the Jim Crow era affects how historians practice their craft. The book is chronologically organized into five sections, each of which focuses on a different historical period in the story of Jim Crow: inventing, building, living, resisting, and dismantling. Many of the fifty-six documents and eighteen images and cartoons, many of which have not been published before, reveal something significant about this subject or offer an unconventional or unexpected perspective on this era. Some of the historical figures whose words are included are Abraham Lincoln, Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, Richard Wright, Paul Robeson, Langston Hughes, Adam Clayton Powell, and Marian Anderson. The book also has an annotated bibliography, a list of key players, a timeline, and key topics for consideration.

The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) arrived in Arkansas in October 1962 at the request of the Arkansas Council on Human Relations, the state affiliate of the Southern Regional Council. SNCC efforts began with Bill Hansen, a young white Ohioan--already an early veteran of the civil rights movement--who traveled to Little Rock in the early sixties to help stimulate student sit-in movements promoting desegregation. Thanks in large part to SNCC's bold initiatives, most of Little Rock's public and private facilities were desegregated by 1963, and in the years that followed many more SNCC volunteers rushed to the state to set up projects across the Arkansas Delta to help empower local people to take a stand against racial discrimination. In the five short years before it disbanded, the SNCC's Arkansas Project played a pivotal part in transforming the state, yet this fascinating branch of the national organization has barely garnered a footnote in the history of the civil rights movement. This collection serves as a corrective by bringing articles on SNCC's activities in Arkansas together for the first time, by providing powerful firsthand testimonies, and by collecting key historical documents from SNCC's role in the region's emergence from the slough of southern injustice.

Introduction. The first successful kidney transplant in humans was performed in 1954. In the following 25 years, the biomedical, ethical, and social implications of kidney transplantation were widely discussed by both healthcare professionals and the public. Issues relating to race, however, were not commonly addressed, representing a “blind spot” regarding racial disparities in access and health outcomes. Methods. Through primary sources in the medical literature and lay press, this paper explores the racial dynamics of kidney transplantation in the 1950–1970s in the United States as the procedure grew from an experimental procedure to the standard of care for patients in end-stage renal disease (ESRD). Results & Discussion. An extensive search of the medical literature found very few papers about ESRD, dialysis, or renal transplant that mentioned the race of the patients before 1975. While the search did not reveal whether race was explicitly used in determining patient access to dialysis or transplant, the scant data that exist show that African-Americans disproportionately developed ESRD and were underrepresented in these early treatment populations. Transplant outcome data in the United States failed to include race demographics until the late 1970s. The Social Security Act of 1972 (PL 92-603) extended Medicare coverage to almost all Americans with ESRD and led to a rapid increase in both dialysis and kidney transplantation for African-Americans in ESRD, but disparities persist today.

PurposeThis paper uses former Black girl students' experiential knowledge as a lens to examine Black students' experiences with formal and informal curriculum; it looks to the 1970s during Waco Independent School District's desegregation implementation process.Design/methodology/approachGuided by critical race theory, I used historical and oral history methods to address the question: In newly desegregated schools, what does Black females' experiential knowledge of the academic and social curriculum reveal about Black students' experiences within school desegregation implementation process? Specifically, I drew on oral history interviews with former Black girl students, local newspapers, school board minutes, legal correspondence, memoranda, yearbooks, and brochures.FindingsBlack girls' holistic perspectives, which characterized Black students' experiences more generally, indicate Waco Independent School District's implementation of school desegregation promoted a tacit curriculum of Black intellectual ineptitude.OriginalityMy main contribution is the concept of tacit curriculum, which I identified through the lens of former Black girl students, whose experiences spoke to Black students' experiences more widely. It also offers Black females' firsthand perspectives of the school desegregation implementation process in Texas, a perspective, a process, and a place heretofore underexamined in history of education scholarship.

Roberts v. City of Boston is a well-known legal case in the history of US education. In 1847, the Boston School Committee denied Sarah C. Roberts, a five-year-old African American girl, admission to the public primary school closest to her home. She was instead ordered to attend the all-black Abiel Smith School, about a half-mile walk from her home. In March 1848, Sarah's father, Benjamin, sued the city of Boston for denying Sarah the right to attend the public school closest to her home. The case wound its way through the courts, eventually reaching the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court. In 1850, Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw ruled in favor of the city of Boston, affirming that the Boston School Committee had “not violated any principle of equality, inasmuch as they have provided a school with competent instructors for the colored children, where they enjoy equal advantages of instruction with those enjoyed by the white children.” And thus, the doctrine of separate but equal was born in Massachusetts.

Generations of Americans have debated the meaning of Abraham Lincoln's views on race and slavery. He issued the Emancipation Proclamation and supported a constitutional amendment to outlaw slavery, yet he also harbored grave doubts about the intellectual capacity of African Americans, publicly used the n-word until at least 1862, and favored permanent racial segregation. In this book--the first complete collection of Lincoln's important writings on both race and slavery--readers can explore these contradictions through Lincoln's own words. Acclaimed Harvard scholar and documentary filmmaker Henry Louis Gates, Jr., presents the full range of Lincoln's views, gathered from his private letters, speeches, official documents, and even race jokes, arranged chronologically from the late 1830s to the 1860s. Complete with definitive texts, rich historical notes, and an original introduction by Henry Louis Gates, Jr., this book charts the progress of a war within Lincoln himself. We witness his struggles with conflicting aims and ideas--a hatred of slavery and a belief in the political equality of all men, but also anti-black prejudices and a determination to preserve the Union even at the cost of preserving slavery. We also watch the evolution of his racial views, especially in reaction to the heroic fighting of black Union troops. At turns inspiring and disturbing,Lincoln on Race and Slaveryis indispensable for understanding what Lincoln's views meant for his generation--and what they mean for our own.

In January 1932, two white women--Agnes Boeing Ilsley and Mina Buckner--were murdered in Ilsley's home in rural Middleburg, Virginia. Suspicion of who the murderer was settled on George Crawford, an African American man who was sometimes employed by Mrs. Ilsley to do various jobs, including serving as her chauffeur (Virginia Circuit Court 1933, 108; Kluger 1975, 147). The Crawford case, while seemingly far removed from the history of education, provides rich contextual insights as to how the pursuit of basic legal rights for Black Americans was closely intertwined with educational history. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) provided Crawford with legal counsel. Assisting the Boston attorneys acting on behalf of the NAACP was Charles H. Houston of the Howard University School of Law in Washington, DC. As Crawford's defense attorney, Houston implicitly communicated throughout the trial proceedings the purposes of Black legal education. Those purposes were rooted in the notion of re-engineering a society crafted to withhold fundamental constitutional rights from Black citizens, including the right to a fair trial. This article explores how the Crawford case is a useful vehicle for understanding the needs, purposes, and pedagogy of legal education for African Americans in the years preceding the modern civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s and concludes with a brief discussion of how the trial transcript and other related primary source materials have potential as effective teaching tools in educational history courses.

In Exporting American Dreams, Mary Dudziak recounts with poignancy and power the untold story of Thurgood Marshall's journey to Africa. His experience in Keyna was emotional as well as intellectual, and during it he developed ties of friendship with, among others, Tom Mboya and Jomo Kenyatta. Marshall served as advisor to the Kenyans, who needed to demonstrate to both Great Britain and to the world that they would treat minority races (whites and Asians) fairly once Africans took power. He crafted a bill of rights, aiding constitutional negotiations that enabled peaceful regime change, rather than violent resistance. Kenya's first attempt at democracy faltered, but Marshall's African journey remained a cherished memory of a time and a place when all things seemed possible.

Postcolonial criticism and theory have been instrumental not only in showing how Western texts have constructed non-Western peoples and cultures, but also in analyzing discourse on the racialized Other in travel writings by members of formerly colonized societies and cultures who may reinscribe-consciously or unconsciously-the structural values of cultural domination. As privileged members of comparable societies that had assimilated and been assimilated into dominant ideologies of European cultural and biological superiority, Spanish American visitors to the United States during the segregation era uniquely exemplify such discourse and thus merit scholarly attention. Examining-within their respective cultural and historical contexts-selected texts by six Spanish American writers who visited or lived in the United States during the period 1880-1947, this paper analyzes their observations of, experiences with, and reactions to the realities of racial separation and the attendant violence against African Americans in order to determine the extent to which the writers resisted or participated in the \"othering\" process that represented African Americans as different and inferior. /// La teoría y crítica postcoloniales han jugado un papel decisivo no sólo en mostrar cómo los textos de Occidente han construido culturas y pueblos no occidentales, sino también en analizar el discurso sobre el Otro racializado en obras de viaje escritas por miembros de sociedades y culturas anteriormente colonizadas, quienes pueden re-inscribir -deliberadamente o no- los valores estructurales de la dominación colonial. Como miembros privilegiados de sociedades comparables que habían asimilado y, al mismo tiempo, habían sido asimiladas por las ideologías dominantes sobre la superioridad biológica y cultural europea, los viajeros hispanoamericanos que visitaron Estados Unidos durante la era de la segregación racial ilustran de manera excepcional tal discurso y merecen atención académica. A partir del estudio de textos escritos por varios viajeros de los siglos diecinueve y veinte, este trabajo analiza sus observaciones, experiencias y reacciones al verse confrontados con las realidades de la separación racial y la violencia que ésta conllevaba contra los afroamericanos a fin de determinar hasta qué punto los escritores se resistieron a participar -o por el contrario, colaboraron- en el proceso de construcción del grupo afroamericano como un Otro diferente e inferior.