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This article examines the political impact of decolonization upon the South African community in Kenya in 1963. It stresses that the end of British rule in Kenya had different implications for different groups of South Africans in Kenya. The community has been broadly delineated into three groups. The first group is the Afrikaner farmers’ community in Kenya – a numerically small but economically strategic section of the white community which produced nearly 70 per cent of the country's wheat. The second includes those working for firms and with business interests in Nairobi, and the third includes those employed in the service of the crown. The three state actors, Britain, South Africa, and Kenya, consciously used this opportunity to define and reinforce their state ideology in opposition to one other in an intra-African theatre. South Africa attempted to establish itself as the preferred white man's dominion in Africa, while Kenya used it to entrench its anti-apartheid position whilst taking the stand that Afrikaners who renounced apartheid could stay on in Kenya. Britain prioritized the interests and demands of the British settlers in Kenya as well as its new comprehensive strategic alliance with the new Kenyan government, and made concessions to Afrikaners within this framework.

This paper relates the philosophical concept of vital force, translated and globalized from the book Bantu Philosophy by Belgian missionary Placide Tempels, to the Bantu and Yorùbà concepts of ntu and áşe as conceptual ancestors, arguing that (i) although Tempels in his book did not claim anything other than to understand the philosophy of Bantu peoples, (ii) intercultural connections/crossovers with the philosophy of other African peoples can still be established. Thus, we respond to debates around the concepts generalizing potential and colonial burden, showing lines of conceptual descent in which living structures of meaning become interconnected with abstracted translations.

The former Kingdom of Granada, comprising the provinces of Granada, Málaga, and Almería (GMA), was once inhabited for over 700 years (711–1492 AD) by a North African population, which influenced its creation and establishment. The genetic data on 15 autosomal short tandem repeats (STRs) in 245 unrelated donor residents were examined in order to assess any possible admixture. As the two surnames in Spain follow an inheritance similar to the Y chromosome, both surnames of all 245 unrelated individuals were queried and annotated. The Spanish Statistics Office website was consulted to determine the regions with the highest frequency of individuals born bearing each surname. Further, several heraldry and lineage pages were examined to determine the historical origin of the surnames. By AMOVA and STRUCTURE analysis, the populations of the three provinces can be treated genetically as a single population. The analysis of allele frequencies and genetic distance demonstrated that the GMA population lay in the Spanish population group but was slightly more similar to the North African populations than the remainder of the Spanish populations. In addition, the surnames of most individuals originated in Northern and Central Spain, whereas most surnames had higher frequencies in Southern Spain. These results confirm that the GMA population shows no characteristics that reflect a greater genetic influence of North African people than the rest of the populations of the Iberian Peninsula. This feature is consistent with the historical data that African inhabitants were expelled or isolated during the repopulation of the region with Spaniards from Northern Spain. The knowledge of present populations and their genetic history is essential for better statistical results in kinship analyses.

The Late Antiquity to the Early Middle age transition in the North Eastern Iberian Peninsula was a historical period of cultural, social and political changes. Both Germanics and North African peoples settled in this region in successive migratory waves. The impact of these population movements on the cultural habits of the local population has been barely explored. This paper explores the dietary changes of the population who were buried in the necropolis of the Churches of Sant Pere de Terrassa (Barcelona, Spain) during the Visigoth (fifth to eighth centuries ad ) and Carolingian periods (ninth to tenth centuries ad ). This study investigates the δ 13 C and δ 15 N stable isotopic values in bone collagen from 68 human samples and 36 faunal remains in order to improve the understanding of dietary changes that occurred during this transition. The results indicate a human diet based on C 3 -plants and livestock sources. On average, the Visigoth samples exhibited an enriched isotopic signal compared to that of the Carolingian period, which may be attributed to the consumption of high trophic level of animal protein. Some δ 13 C results of the adult human samples suggest that C 4 -plants (most probably millet) made proportionately smaller but significant contributions to the diet during the Visigoth period. The paleodietary data obtained here will be important for future further studies focused on the transition from the Late Antiquity to the Early Medieval period in the Iberian Peninsula, and the attending regional scale of changes. This will also give insight about how profound a transformation in policy and economy occurred during that period affected human consumer patterns in the region.

When material objects are recovered in a place different from their presumed place of origin, archaeologists usually fix attention on those objects and places themselves. Material objects do not, in themselves, however, have intrinsic value, and underlying the material variables of objects and their loci of origin and deposition is a more fundamental actuality of their translocation, the regimes of value in which things were assessed and in which they moved. Fundamental to this is that things have exchange value as well as consumption value and may also have spiritual value in specific circumstances. I argue that these are particularly important considerations when material objects are translocated from a distinct socio-geographic region, with its internal regime of values, to another quite different region, with probably diverse local regimes of value, as is the case when Early-Middle Iron-Age (300-1300 CE) sumptuary goods, mainly glass beads, moved from the East African Indian Ocean sphere to interior southern Africa, which had its own distinct regimes of value. In this article, I present data for this movement and premises regarding regimes of value, to address the trajectory of such beads into the southern region. I suggest that marine gastropod shells, cowrie and conus, are equally significant markers of interior-coastal associations, and their presence at 7th-11th-century southern sites with no glass beads suggests that different regimes of value were held by southern African peoples. This offers clues to bead and shell distributions. Several concrete instances demonstrate the point.

Hundreds of millions of people now interact with language models, with uses ranging from help with writing 1 , 2 to informing hiring decisions 3 . However, these language models are known to perpetuate systematic racial prejudices, making their judgements biased in problematic ways about groups such as African Americans 4 – 7 . Although previous research has focused on overt racism in language models, social scientists have argued that racism with a more subtle character has developed over time, particularly in the United States after the civil rights movement 8 , 9 . It is unknown whether this covert racism manifests in language models. Here, we demonstrate that language models embody covert racism in the form of dialect prejudice, exhibiting raciolinguistic stereotypes about speakers of African American English (AAE) that are more negative than any human stereotypes about African Americans ever experimentally recorded. By contrast, the language models’ overt stereotypes about African Americans are more positive. Dialect prejudice has the potential for harmful consequences: language models are more likely to suggest that speakers of AAE be assigned less-prestigious jobs, be convicted of crimes and be sentenced to death. Finally, we show that current practices of alleviating racial bias in language models, such as human preference alignment, exacerbate the discrepancy between covert and overt stereotypes, by superficially obscuring the racism that language models maintain on a deeper level. Our findings have far-reaching implications for the fair and safe use of language technology. Despite efforts to remove overt racial prejudice, language models using artificial intelligence still show covert racism against speakers of African American English that is triggered by features of the dialect.

The present paper aims: on the one hand, to investigate the impact of public service delivery, corruption and inequality on North African migration to developed countries; and on the other hand, to zoom in on the role of education and good governance in mitigating migration flows from North African countries (Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia) over the period 1996–2015, by using pooled OLS regression, fixed-effect and random effect models. The main findings indicate that higher inequality is expected to stimulate migration from North Africa to the developed world. The results also show that enhancing government effectiveness and widening access to good-quality basic services negatively influence North African people’s migration decisions. In fact, rampant inequality and failure to scale up public service delivery bring about a worsening of living conditions and serve as repellent factors in North African sending countries. Furthermore, political stability and control of corruption tend to negatively affect North African migration to developed countries. To sum up, enhancing North African countries’ governance capabilities, alleviating inequality, ensuring broad access to high-quality public services, and cracking down on corruption, will undoubtedly bring tangible benefits, open up more opportunities for people and reduce incentives for migration.

South African democracy has brought about changes like freedom of associations, as opposed to apartheid which emphasised separateness of races and cultures. This social change warrants new ways of living among South Africans, especially among young people. Using a qualitative approach with semi-structured interviews, this study examined how white Afrikaans-speaking university students carve out their identities, given the reality that political, social and cultural circumstances have changed in the last two decades. Participants consisted of Afrikaner university students, based in East London. This study attempts to understand difficulties and privileges associated with being a young white South African 20 years after the fall of the apartheid regime. Seeing that the participants were not born during apartheid, we wanted to understand the extent to which their parents’ perception, influence and stories affected the way participants identify themselves, their place and their roles in the democratic South Africa. The study found that Afrikaner youth are caught between two worlds: the democratic and contemporary social context, and their parents’ traditional or orthodox way of seeing things. This study also found out that, in spite of some of their parents’ influence on racism and the perception of the South African community about white people, these young people are able to carve out their own identity in which they are able to shift racial space boundaries.

This article assesses the potential of civil society in the region of southern Africa to act as a catalyst for transformation towards broader inclusivity and a people-centred approach to regional integration and socio-economic development. This is done through an empirical case study which focuses on four regional civil society organisations (CSOs), namely the Council of NGOs (CNGO) of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Southern African Trade Union Co-ordination Council (SATUCC), the Economic Justice Network (EJN) of the Fellowship of Christian Councils in Southern Africa (FOCCISA), and the Southern African People's Solidarity Network (SAPSN). We found that the organisations are constrained by a lack of financial autonomy, and dependency on donor funding. Capacity is further hampered because the CSOs are managed by a small number of professional activists. Moreover, the organisations' representativeness and legitimacy among the regional populace is limited. There are also important ideological and strategic differences between them, and a lack of effective (strategic) co-ordination has so far inhibited the creation of a broader, transformative regional civil society alliance. Yet we could also identify an awareness of the necessity to strengthen organisational capacity, to increase popular support and to enhance collaboration, using a strategy that combines the technocratic development of an alternative regionalism and meaningfully incorporates social movements and grassroots initiatives. Furthermore, there is evidence that regional civil society plays an increasingly important role in articulating popular contestation to neoliberal modes of governance in southern Africa, as well as in linking localised, nationalised and regionalised struggles in the region. Finally, the dynamics of regional civil society investigated here show that regionalism is anything but a 'states only' domain. Civil society regionalisation constitutes a crucial feature of the southern African region. Regional civil society as a force for transformation is constrained and must overcome some serious challenges, yet it remains a possibility.

Objectives There is preliminary evidence of racial and social economic disparities in the population infected by and dying from COVID-19. The goal of this study is to report the associations of COVID-19 with respect to race, health, and economic inequality in the United States. Methods We performed an ecological study of the associations between infection and mortality rate of COVID-19 and demographic, socioeconomic, and mobility variables from 369 counties (total population, 102,178,117 [median, 73,447; IQR, 30,761–256,098]) from the seven most affected states (Michigan, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, California, Louisiana, Massachusetts). Results The risk factors for infection and mortality are different. Our analysis shows that counties with more diverse demographics, higher population, education, income levels, and lower disability rates were at a higher risk of COVID-19 infection. However, counties with higher proportion with disability and poverty rates had a higher death rate. African Americans were more vulnerable to COVID-19 than other ethnic groups (1981 African American infected cases versus 658 Whites per million). Data on mobility changes corroborate the impact of social distancing. Conclusion Our study provides evidence of racial, economic, and health inequality in the population infected by and dying from COVID-19. These observations might be due to the workforce of essential services, poverty, and access to care. Counties in more urban areas are probably better equipped at providing care. The lower rate of infection, but a higher death rate in counties with higher poverty and disability could be due to lower levels of mobility, but a higher rate of comorbidities and health care access.