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When the armed forces of the US and the UK invaded Iraq and exercised control over its territory, the law of occupation immediately began to apply to their actions, and the two governments soon recognized such obligations. By late May 2003, following the Anglo-American military intervention that came to be known as \"Operation Iraqi Freedom,\" the American and British governments and the United Nations Security Council publicly confirmed the application of occupation law in Iraq rather than opt for the establishment of a United Nations legal frameworks to govern the foreign military deployment and civilian administration.

The Security Council's recognition of the presence of American and British forces in Iraq as an occupation subject to the Hague Regulations of 1907 and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 is a rare and significant event in the history of the troubled law on occupations. After a brief analysis of the ways in which Security Council Resolution 1483 adapts the law of occupation to contemporary challenges, Benvenisti examines the authority of the occupant to utilize transboundary resources shared by the occupied country and neighboring states and how it coordinates this use with these neighbors.

Stahn ascertain a collective will when the UN Security Council does not express itself in the forms provided for in the Charter. Stahn interprets the US-led intervention in light of objectives previously established by the Security Council and argues for a revitalization of the Council in the threefold capacity of normative framer of the collective will, forum for reasoned interstate discourse over the use of force, and organizer of the conduct of postconflict relations.

Grant addresses the evolving practice of the UN Security Council in facilitating the transition to an internationally recognized, representative government in Iraq. He examines the allocation of responsibilities among the Coalition Provisional Authority, the Governing Council of Iraq, and the UN special representative, as reflected in Resolutions 1483, 1500 and 1511, while detailing the political compromises embodied in these deliberately ambiguous texts. He compares these transitional arrangements for Iraq to those implemented after other recent conflicts and envisions incremental movement toward a terminal point of international recognition and full self-government for Iraq.