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The impact of the International Criminal Court (ICC) on peace processes has received much scholarly attention. We argue, based on the ICC arrest warrant against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, that ICC indictments against government officials not only can be detrimental to the prospects for peace, but can also negatively affect everyday practices of peacekeepers and humanitarian workers. We draw on a combination of quantitative and qualitative data in order to develop our argument. We interrogate some measurable consequences of the indictment in relation to the work of the United Nations - African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) as well as humanitarian actors in Darfur. We do so using a data set compiled to support the work of UNAMID. We also draw on interviews with UN and UNAMID staff, aid workers, and representatives of the conflict parties. Our analysis shows that the indictment of President al-Bashir was perceived by the Sudanese government as the continuation of a confrontational approach pursued by the international community. We further show that the indictment accelerated patterns of obstruction and intimidation of peacekeeping actors, other third-party actors, and local staff associated with these. This complicated the everyday activities of peacekeepers and humanitarian efforts.

The African Union has become increasingly hostile towards the International Criminal Court, particularly in the wake of the ICC arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, although the public hostility masks deeper divisions among African countries. Indeed, evidence of arguments among African states and between Africa and Western countries over the proper functioning and scope of the ICC is indicative of a number of paradoxes and conflicts which have emerged as Africa reorients its identities and interests to embrace international human rights norms while also asserting itself on the global stage.

In April 2019, Sudan's long-serving President Omar al-Bashir was deposed in a bloodless military coup d'état, which took place amid a major wave of popular protests in the country. The present paper aims to assess the historic path of Sudanese Islamists toward the seizure of power in the course of the 1989 Salvation Revolution and their role in domestic and foreign policies of the Republic of the Sudan in 1989-2019. It will be argued that by the time of the demise of the regime in 2019 political Islam in Sudan had fully eroded and could no longer serve as an effective instrument of legitimization for the government of al-Bashir and that the return of the Islamists to power is improbable.

This article explores the delayed responses of international and continental bodies in safeguarding the human rights of the people of Sudan. The central question grappled with in this article is: how effective were the international and continental peacekeeping, security, and human rights bodies in dealing with Sudanese cases of genocide, war crimes, crime against humanity and ethnic cleansing? The existing body of knowledge on this subject lacks a clear explanation of why Omar Al Bashir remained in power for such a long period of time in Sudan without any international or continental effective responses when he violated fundamental human rights. As such, this article aims to contribute to the existing body of knowledge by filling the knowledge gap identified. We argue that the international and continental peacekeeping, security, and human rights bodies delayed dismally in engaging the monocratic al-Bashir until the Sudanese army overthrew him. This article relied heavily on the qualitative research approach in the form of document and thematic content analysis to analyse the key themes and answer the central question.

This article explores the motives and means of the African Union and its member states for engaging in governance beyond Africa, and shows the leeway and limits the African organization faces in this regard. Two questions are at the center of the article. Is the AU successful in influencing governance beyond Africa? And what explains its success or failure? Three case studies form the article's empirical background: a study of the 2005 discussion about a reform of the UN Security Council; a study of the negotiations during the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen in 2009; and, finally, a study of the attempt to defer the International Criminal Court's arrest warrant against Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir in 2009. The article argues that the AU can influence governance beyond Africa only if it is united, adopts realistic positions, and gains the support of more influential global players.

This article compares the debates and demonstrations about Darfur that have taken place in the Sudan, the United States, and Qatar and illuminates how political violence is apprehended and cultural identities are constructed. The rallies that occurred among Sudanese inside and outside the Sudan following the 2009 indictment of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir by the International Criminal Court (ICC) are particularly revealing. Examining what has been represented worldwide as the first genocide of the twenty-first century brings to light the ideologies that are expressed in impassioned political positions. Ideology, which implicitly undergirds the mixed emotions with which the ICC warrant was received, has been fundamental to the Darfur story from the start of the crisis in 2003. Describing Darfur in three distinct sociopolitical arenas, one sees various scenarios that are akin to a play with multiple actors and scenes, each of which is contextually mediated and expertly produced. The disconnections, ruptures, and shifts in the flow of this narration point to the disparities in the situational, local, regional, and transnational forces at work.

This article addresses the unfolding pursuit of state cooperation by the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It explains that the prosecutor's recent shift from a cautionary to a confrontational pursuit is due to 1) the failure to persuade states to hand over suspects and 2) the lack of international backing for arrests amid the quest for a negotiated peace to ongoing conflicts. The article focuses on the prosecutor's forceful campaign to apprehend rebel leaders from Uganda and government suspects implicated in atrocities in Darfur, including President Bashir of Sudan.

A análise de conjuntura visa discutir o mandado de prisão expedido pelo TPI contra o Presidente do Sudão, tendo como base a relação entre moral e poder na esfera internacional. Palavras-chave: Omar al-Bashir; Tribunal Penal Internacional; mandado de prisão internacional The analysis aims at discussing the arrest warrant issued by the ICC against the Presidente of Sudan, using the relation between power and moral in the international realm as its theoretical basis. Key words: Omar al-Bashir; International Criminal Court; international arrest warrant

The September 2013 protests in Khartoum in response to the lift in oil subsidies have been both widespread and violent. Given the widespread impact of these protests, given the repeated chant for an 'overthrow of the regime,' and these protests' similarity to those that deposed current Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir's predecessor Nimeiri and his political party in September 1986, many in the international community have begun to wonder whether Sudan is headed toward a shift in power away from Bashir and the National Congress Party that has ruled the country for the last twenty-four years. But even supposing protests were to continue in strength, number, and amount of violence, it still seems unlikely that any major regime change will occur because of the government's overwhelming advantage against citizens when it comes to force. Since none of the underlying reasons for a drop in protests is likely to go away particularly soon, you can expect Sudan to maintain its current political regime.