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Mothers of Conservatism tells the story of 1950s southern Californian housewives who shaped the grassroots right in the two decades following World War II. Michelle Nickerson describes how red-hunting homemakers mobilized activist networks, institutions, and political consciousness in local education battles, and she introduces a generation of women who developed political styles and practices around their domestic routines. From the conservative movement's origins in the early fifties through the presidential election of 1964, Nickerson documents how women shaped conservatism from the bottom up, out of the fabric of their daily lives and into the agenda of the Republican Party.

Hard Line traces the history of Republican Party foreign policy since World War II by focusing on the conservative leaders who shaped it. Colin Dueck closely examines the political careers and foreign-policy legacies of Robert Taft, Dwight Eisenhower, Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush. He shows how Republicans shifted away from isolationism in the years leading up to World War II and oscillated between realism and idealism during and after the cold war. Yet despite these changes, Dueck argues, conservative foreign policy has been characterized by a hawkish and intense American nationalism, and presidential leadership has been the driving force behind it.

In light of recent trends of corporate downsizing and debates over corporate responsibility, Sanford Jacoby offers a timely, comprehensive history of twentieth-century welfare capitalism, that is, the history of nonunion corporations that looked after the economic security of employees. Building on three fascinating case studies of \"modern manors\" (Eastman Kodak, Sears, and TRW), Jacoby argues that welfare capitalism did not expire during the Depression, as traditionally thought. Rather it adapted to the challenges of the 1930s and became a powerful, though overlooked, factor in the history of the welfare state, the labor movement, and the corporation. \"Fringe\" benefits, new forms of employee participation, and sophisticated anti-union policies are just some of the outgrowths of welfare capitalism that provided a model for contemporary employers seeking to create productive nonunion workplaces.

Objective/Context: This article analyzes a historical period—the first years after the end of the First World War—that was deeply marked by the way in which different actors in American society reacted to the propaganda activities of radical movements. Specifically, it looks at how the battle against radicalism was fought in Washington D.C. and New York. Methodology: The article follows the traditional historiographic method of analysis and contextualization of primary sources. Archival documentation has been collected at the New York State Archives and the National Archives and Records Administration, while newspaper material was consulted in the United States Library of Congress. Originality: When academic literature addresses the issue of radical propaganda during the first years of the interwar period, the main objective is usually to study the repression campaigns organized by legislators and the Department of Justice. This research focuses on the interaction between political leaders and other actors in American society at the time: officials, journalists, ordinary citizens, among others. Conclusions: The anxiety generated in certain sectors of the population by the dissemination of radical propaganda was constantly stimulated by politicians in search of visibility. Thus, citizen restlessness turned into a feeling of blind anger towards those who spread the doctrines of radical movements. There existed a climate of strong enthusiasm around these repression campaigns as well. The sudden extinction of this phenomenon was due to the fact that these inquisitorial campaigns were ultimately perceived by many citizens as “anti-American” initiatives. Objetivo/Contexto: El presente artículo analiza un periodo histórico —el de los primeros años tras el fin de la Primera Guerra Mundial— que fue profundamente marcado por la manera en la que distintos actores de la sociedad estadounidense reaccionaron frente a las actividades de propaganda de los movimientos radicales. En particular, nos fijaremos en la forma en la que la batalla contra el radicalismo fue combatida en Washington D.C. y Nueva York. Metodología: Se seguirá el tradicional método historiográfico de análisis y contextualización de fuentes primarias. La documentación de archivo ha sido recolectada en los Archivos del Estado de Nueva York y en las sedes de College Park y del Distrito de Columbia de la Administración Nacional de Archivos y Registros. El material hemerográfico ha sido consultado en la Biblioteca del Congreso. Originalidad: Cuando en la literatura académica se aborda el tema de la propaganda radical durante los primeros años del periodo de entreguerras, el principal objeto de estudio suelen ser las campañas de represión que fueron organizadas por legisladores y el Departamento de Justicia. Nuestra investigación pone el foco en la interacción que hubo entre los dirigentes políticos y otros actores de la sociedad estadounidense de la época: funcionarios, periodistas, ciudadanos de a pie, entre otros. Conclusiones: La ansiedad que se generó en determinados sectores de la población por la difusión de propaganda radical fue constantemente estimulada por políticos en búsqueda de visibilidad. La inquietud de los ciudadanos se convirtió así en un sentimiento de ira ciega hacia quienes difundían las doctrinas de los movimientos radicales. También se generó un clima de fuerte entusiasmo alrededor de las campañas de represión. La extinción repentina de dicho fenómeno se debió a que las campañas inquisitoriales a la postre fueron percibidas, por muchos ciudadanos, como iniciativas “antiamericanas”. Objetivo/Contexto: neste artigo, é analisado um período histórico —o dos primeiros anos após o final da Primeira Guerra Mundial— que foi profundamente marcado pela maneira na qual diferentes atores da sociedade estadunidense reagiram às atividades de propaganda dos movimentos radicais. Em particular, é focado na forma em que a batalha contra o radicalismo foi combatida em Washington DC e Nova York. Metodologia: segue-se o tradicional método historiográfico de análise e contextualização de fontes primárias. A documentação de arquivo foi coletada nos Arquivos do Estado de Nova York e nos Arquivos Nacionais e Administração de Documentos. O material hemerográfico foi consultado na Biblioteca do Congresso dos Estados Unidos. Originalidade: quando, na literatura acadêmica, é abordado o tema da propaganda radical durante os primeiros anos do período de entreguerras, o principal objetivo de estudo costuma ser as campanhas de repressão que foram organizadas por legisladores e pelo Departamento de Justiça. Esta pesquisa enfoca a interação que houve entre os líderes políticos e outros atores da sociedade estadunidense da época: funcionários, jornalistas, cidadãos, entre outros. Conclusões: a ansiedade gerada em determinados setores da população devido à difusão de propaganda radical foi constantemente estimulada por políticos em busca de visibilidade. As dúvidas dos cidadãos se tornaram assim num sentimento de ira cega pelos que difundiam as doutrinas dos movimentos radicais. Também foi gerado um clima de forte entusiasmo ao redor das campanhas de repressão. A extinção repentina desse fenômeno se deu a que as campanhas inquisitoriais ao final foram percebidas, por muitos cidadãos, como iniciativas “antiamericanas”.

A twenty-two acre strip of land—known as Puvungna—lies at the edge of California State University's Long Beach campus. The land, indisputably owned by California, is also sacred to several Native American tribes. And these twenty-two acres have been the nexus for an acrimonious and costly conflict over control of the land. Of Sacred Lands and Strip Malls tells the story of Puvungna, from the region's deep history, through years of struggle between activists and campus administration, and ongoing reverberations from the conflict. As Loewe makes clear, this is a case study with implications beyond a single controversy; at stake in the legal battle is the constitutionality of state codes meant to protect sacred sites from commercial development, and the right of individuals to participate in public hearings. The case also raises questions about the nature of contract archaeology, applied anthropology, and the relative status of ethnography and ethnohistorical research. It is a compelling snapshot of issues surrounding contemporary Native American landscapes.

In 1948 Cláudio Santoro found himself in Europe. Having impressed Copland as “the most gifted young composer around,” the young Brazilian decided to study with Boulanger after the United States denied him a visa.¹ In May he traveled to Prague, where he served as a delegate to the Second International Congress of Composers and Music Critics along with others from Eastern Bloc and Western countries with a significant communist presence. Like them, he faced a dilemma. The Soviet cultural commissar Andrei Zhdanov had declared the avant-garde an enemy of the state, and folk-tinged “music of the people” was in the

Over the past 25 years, efforts to reform the campaign finance system have been exceptionally popular with both the general public and legal academics. Most reformers have attempted to limit alleged political corruption and to promote a brand of political equality. However, the reform scholarships has erred in its assumptions about the causes and effects of political corruption. It is actually campaign finance regulation that is in conflict with accepted notions of equality, so much so as to be broadly characterized as undemocratic.

Objetivo/Contexto: El presente artículo analiza un periodo histórico —el de los primeros años tras el fin de la Primera Guerra Mundial— que fue profundamente marcado por la manera en la que distintos actores de la sociedad estadounidense reaccionaron frente a las actividades de propaganda de los movimientos radicales. En particular, nos fijaremos en la forma en la que la batalla contra el radicalismo fue combatida en Washington D.C. y Nueva York. Metodología: Se seguirá el tradicional método historiográfico de análisis y contextualización de fuentes primarias. La documentación de archivo ha sido recolectada en los Archivos del Estado de Nueva York y en las sedes de College Park y del Distrito de Columbia de la Administración Nacional de Archivos y Registros. El material hemerográfico ha sido consultado en la Biblioteca del Congreso. Originalidad: Cuando en la literatura académica se aborda el tema de la propaganda radical durante los primeros años del periodo de entreguerras, el principal objeto de estudio suelen ser las campañas de represión que fueron organizadas por legisladores y el Departamento de Justicia. Nuestra investigación pone el foco en la interacción que hubo entre los dirigentes políticos y otros actores de la sociedad estadounidense de la época: funcionarios, periodistas, ciudadanos de a pie, entre otros. Conclusiones: La ansiedad que se generó en determinados sectores de la población por la difusión de propaganda radical fue constantemente estimulada por políticos en búsqueda de visibilidad. La inquietud de los ciudadanos se convirtió así en un sentimiento de ira ciega hacia quienes difundían las doctrinas de los movimientos radicales. También se generó un clima de fuerte entusiasmo alrededor de las campañas de represión. La extinción repentina de dicho fenómeno se debió a que las campañas inquisitoriales a la postre fueron percibidas, por muchos ciudadanos, como iniciativas “antiamericanas”.