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Zapatistas
In the early hours of January 1, 1994 a guerrilla army of indigenous Mayan peasants emerged from the highlands and jungle in the far southeast of Mexico and declared \"¡Ya basta!\" - \"Enough!\" - to 500 years of colonialism, racism, exploitation, oppression, and genocide. As elites in Canada, the United States, and Mexico celebrated the coming into force of the North American Free Trade Agreement the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) declared war against this 500 year old trajectory toward oblivion, one that they said was most recently reincarnated in the form of neoliberal capitalist globalization that NAFTA represented. While the Zapatista uprising would have a profound impact upon the socio-political fabric of Chiapas its effects would be felt far beyond the borders of Mexico. At a moment when state-sponsored socialism had all but vanished from the global political landscape and other familiar elements of the left appeared utterly demoralized and defeated in the face of neoliberal capitalism's global ascendance, the Zapatista uprising would spark an unexpected and powerful new wave of radical socio-political action transnationally. Through an exploration of the Zapatista movement's origins, history, structure, aims, political philosophy and practice, and future directions this book provides a critical, comprehensive, and accessible overview of one of the most important rebel groups in recent history.
eBook
Diversity, Super-Diversity, and Monolingual Language Ideology in the United States: Tolerance or Intolerance?
Each new demographic shift and economic or social change bring seemingly new issues into popular and political focus--questions, debates, and policies about the role of language in education and society and the recent claims that transnational migrations and globalization are resulting in unprecedented forms of ethnolinguisic \"super-diversity.\" This chapter addresses issues related to language diversity, policy, and politics within the U.S. context and notes recent trends and future projections. The first section takes as a point of departure a seemingly simple question from a popular television game show to illustrate some of the complexity in posing seemingly simple historical questions. The second major section considers how ethno-racial labeling and linguistic diversity have been constructed through time in U.S. Census data and considers their implications for claims regarding the allegedly unprecedented superdiversity of the present. The third part addresses how English became dominant during the colonial period, thereby establishing its position as the common language prior to the American Revolutions. The fourth section revisits issues and themes addressed in some of my work on the history of language policy, politics, rights, and ideologies (Ovando & Wiley, 2007; Wiley, 1998, 1999a, 1999b, 2005, 2007, 2010, 2013a, 2013b; Wiley & Lukes, 1996). In particular, it focuses on the evolution of English-only ideology and how it became hegemonic during the World War I era. This final section is largely based on Wiley (2000) as it looks in relation to language policies in the United States at the differential impact of language policies on various ethnolinguistic groups in the United States.
Journal Article
Opportunity for Whom?: Political Opportunity and Critical Events in Canadian Aboriginal Mobilization, 1951–2000
Many social movement researchers question the usefulness of political opportunity as a concept. However, others argue that it can be refined by disaggregating different opportunities for actors and outcomes to understand the underlying mechanisms that influence each. This research extends this analysis by asking \"political opportunity for whom?\" Looking at Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, it assesses how different opportunities influence a broad range of movement actors and organizations. Using data from a 50-year period it assesses how contemporaneous, lagged and change regression modeling of opportunities affect results. The article finds that structural opportunities around resources robustly influence a wide range of mobilization.
Journal Article
Earth into Property
Earth into Property: The Bowl with One Spoon, Part Two explores the relationship between the dispossession of Indigenous peoples and the making of global capitalism. Beginning with Christopher Columbus's inception of a New World Order in 1492, Anthony Hall draws on a massive body of original research to produce a narrative that is audacious, encyclopedic, and transformative in the new light it sheds on the complex historical processes that converged in the financial debacle of 2008 and 2009.
eBook
Australian Afterlives of Atlantic Slavery: Belatedness and Transpacific American Studies
[...]we examine how Indigenous and Pacific Islander-descended Australians took up the discourse of slavery when, in the 1970s and beyond, they seized the opportunity to portray their experiences in novels and memoirs.According to one reviewer's summary, the white Watts family “had a deep regard for the people who served and fought it for them, who claimed their loyalty and their protection.Slavery became America's “original sin,” now overcome, and this narrative itself displaced the story of the colonies’ founding.[...]not only did the disavowal of any link to Australia serve to made America seem more modern, it also permitted Americans to “forget” the sin that pre-dated African slavery: the invasion and colonization of land that belonged to someone else.Almost all the reviews in US publications described the book as a “search” or “discovery” of “roots,” while one made the link to Alex Haley's work explicitly.50 Despite the fact that many Indigenous critics rejected a simple alignment of Aboriginal and African American experiences – Aboriginal historian Jackie Huggins notably offered a trenchant critique of the parallel, asking instead, “how do the Native Americans deal with My Place” – in the very recent past the lexicon of slavery has returned to the way that both Indigenous and Pacific Islanders are choosing to represent their forebears’ experiences.51 Both Australian Solomon Islander Amie Batalibasi's 2015 short film Blackbird, advertised as “Inspired by the history of Australia's Sugar Slaves,” and Stephen McGregor's 2016 documentary Servant or Slave not only explicitly consider blackbirding and unwaged labour as forms of enslavement but also draw on tropes associated with antebellum slavery that open up further possibilities for comparative analyses.52 Likewise, as recent legislation in Queensland (similar laws are under discussion in other states) has made it possible for Indigenous workers subject to “stolen wages” to make claims for reparations, there has been an outpouring of public discussion as to whether their labour was slavery.53 Over the course of the twentieth century, when Indigenous Australians and indentured Pacific Islanders and their descendants called themselves enslaved, they did so to claim a place in the future – they were a strong people who were not, contrary to the expectations of early twentieth-century racial science, dying out.
Journal Article
Actually Existing Indian Nations: Modernity, Diversity, and the Future of Native American Studies
The field of Native American studies was invented during the 1960s, a product of the Red Power civil rights movement, which is to suggest that it shares an origin story with ethnic studies in general. The field was at the center of the ethnic studies movement, and it radically transformed how Native peoples and cultures were studied. The author shows that the still-developing field of Native American studies has had its purview radically expanded over the past four decades. The field is now a great deal more political than it was before, and the theoretical paradigms supporting its various politics have multiplied. To study Native Americans today means situating one's subject in any number of possible theories, contexts, and discourses, from the reservation to the world. But in what direction should the field move now? The author suggests that the next big project for Native American studies, and indeed for the indigenous movement as a whole, is to develop new ways of engaging with the irreducible modernity and diversity that inheres in every Native community and has for some time. This means interrogating the theoretical discourses now in circulation, especially nationalism, which is dominant, to examine the assumptions that undergird their politics. Such unstated assumptions can mischaracterize the real makeup of Native communities and ironically reactivate the old ethnographic-formal model.
Journal Article
What the Indian Caste System Taught Me About Racism in American Schools
\"Coming from India, I learned that people can’t be passive about discrimination. But it took my move to America and my reporting in Bangor [Maine] and at Education Week to see this fully. Here, in America, I’m a brown woman and an immigrant, but in my private high school in India, I was part of the privileged group. Indian casteism and colorism were as present in my high school as racism is here. No curriculum change or affirmative action coordinator could have prevented all of the discrimination students faced. That would have required all of us in the dominant caste to get on the same page about the origins and history of the caste system, how it’s present in the modern day, and why it’s morally wrong. And because our teachers and administrators and our families could not identify the ways in which the school system was inherently casteist--we perpetuated it. Collectively.\" (Education Week) The author compares her experiences in India's schools to the problems concerning racism in American schools.
Journal Article