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"Anaphora"
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Présentation
Les travaux de recherche sur l'anaphore sont nombreux, y compris sur l'annotation (projet ancor (corpus de grande taille annoté en anaphore), projet anr democrat (porteurs : F. Landragin, C. Schneidecker, Céline Guillot-Barbance) sur les chaînes de référence). Il s'agit cependant essentiellement de ce que M. Maillard appelait les anaphores ou cataphores « segmentales », c'est-â-dire celles qui concernent la reprise d'« un simple segment » (Maillard, 1974).
Journal Article
The “Missing” Oblation and the Problem of Sacrifice in Early Antiochene Anaphoras: A Reconsideration of John Fenwick and Stefano Parenti
There is a wrinkle in the story of common features in West Syrian anaphoras, which John Fenwick called “the Missing Oblation.” In this article, I argue that the importance of the “missing oblation” highlighted by Fenwick, Robert Taft, Stefano Parenti and others needs to be balanced against the verbs of oblation that are present. The emphasis on the missing oblation, combined with the tendency to summarize the Antiochene structure with little reference to the importance of these verbs, results in an inaccurate and unbalanced sense of the degree to which the anaphora expresses the belief that the action of offering bread and wine is constitutive of the eucharistic action. This should lead to a caution with the unhelpful heuristic about the spiritualization of sacrifice in contemporary scholarship and the underemphasis of the belief in the materiality of the eucharistic sacrifice in writers such as John Chrysostom and earlier anaphoras.
Journal Article
Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns
This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns, and PRO, may be born with a \"defective\" feature set. They can acquire the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional heads carrying standard X-operators that bind them. Pronouns of the second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting X-operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referential and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable pronouns.
Journal Article
pro as a Minimal nP
In this article, I examine the properties of the partial null subject languages (NSLs) when compared with the consistent and the discourse pro-drop languages and argue that the same basic mechanism underlies pro-drop in partial as well as discourse pro-drop: namely, null NP anaphora, as originally proposed in Tomioka 2003 for discourse prodrop. The two sets of languages show a correlation between the occurrence of null arguments and the availability of a bare nominal in argument position. I suggest that the null element is a default, minimally specified nominal—the same item that arguably appears as a complement of D in pronouns. It is a proform that minimally consists of the categorizing head n, lacking a root, the meaning of which is ‘entity’ (a property that is trivially true of any individual in the domain). nP introduces a variable that may be bound under Existential Closure, yielding the impersonal interpretation; otherwise, its denotation is type-shifted to an individual (ι) under the appropriate conditions. The crosslinguistic differences found in the interpretation of the null subject depend on the resources available in particular languages for application of ι type-shifting: the (bare NP) languages that lack such resources only have quasi-argumental and impersonal null subjects (semi pro-drop languages). Finally, I show that the idea that pro reduces to [nP
e] can also be successfully extended to the consistent NSLs, provided it is assumed that, in this type of NSL, the head bearing agreement morphology bears a D-feature and interpretable ϕ-features.
Journal Article
Theoretical and experimental aspects of syntax-discourse interface in heritage grammars
In 'Theoretical and Experimental Aspects of Syntax-Discourse Interface in Heritage Grammars', Tanya Ivanova-Sullivan investigates comprehension and production of anaphoric dependencies with null and overt subject pronouns. She discusses the divergent behaviour of the heritage speakers of Russian by providing a closer look at their proficiency level, quantity of input and order of language acquisition. She explains the results with various degrees of successful application of pragmatic principles and efficiency in allocating cognitive resources.0The contribution of the monograph lies in the discussion of theoretical and experimental issues related to anaphora resolution along with an investigation of all aspects of representation and processing of anaphoric pronouns by various kinds of bilinguals: heritage speakers, L2 learners and L1 attriters.
Book
Noms généraux et anaphore : une histoire de parties et de membres
The affinities between general nouns and two types of anaphora, resumptive anaphora and co-referential anaphora with lexical shift, are frequently emphasized in studies devoted to this category of nouns. Their weak classifying power explains both their predisposition to enter into these two types of anaphora and some limits of their use in co-referential anaphora. In this paper, we also study their relationship with another type of anaphora, associative anaphora. The referential versatility of a general noun as partie ‘part’, for example, which would predispose it to reiterations of any type of previously named part, would it not be just as effective to refer to parts or some parts of a whole after having mentioned this one?
Journal Article