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This paper offers a reassessment of the representation of Pittakos, tyrant of Lesbos, in Alcaeus’ verse. I begin by examining the textual evidence for Pittakos’ father, Hyrras, before progressing to re-evaluate the evidence for the aristocratic clans of Lesbos as attested in the Lesbian poets. Building on this, and with reference to the patronymic/gentilic Arkheanaktidās seemingly used of Pittakos in Alcaeus, I relate the preponderance of patronymic forms found in Alcaeus’ verse to the iambic and comedic use of ‘characterizing’ patronymics in -(ι)δᾱς. I then argue that both ῎Υρρας and Ἀρχϵανακτίδας are to be interpreted via a cross-cultural and bilingual rhetoric of kingship, with the latter being in essence a calque of a Lydian intermediary of the Luwian designation ura- handawati-, ‘great king’, with ὔρρας and its derivatives in Alcaeus a nominalization of the Luwian adjectival stem ura-, ‘great’. This argument is then related to the increasing evidence for Lesbos as a central locus for Graeco-Anatolian cultural exchange. The end result is a comprehensive reassessment of historical reconstructions emanating from the texts of Sappho and Alcaeus, as well as a reassessment of Alcaeus’ poetic objectives in his attacks on Pittakos, ‘son of Hyrras’.

The aim of this book is to provide new insights on the multi-faceted topic of the relationships between ancient Greece and ancient Anatolia before the Classical era. This is a rapidly evolving field of enquiry, thanks to the recent advances in our understanding of the Anatolian languages and the ever-growing availability of primary evidence. The chapters in this volume investigate the question of Graeco-Anatolian contacts from various points of view and with a specifically linguistic and textual focus. The nature of the evidence calls for an interdisciplinary approach, and the contributions presented here range from writing systems to contact linguistics, without excluding the analysis of cultural motifs and religious practices in both literary texts and non-literary evidence.

In this book, Anna H. Bauer provides a full and detailed analysis of the noun phrases found in the Hieroglyphic Luwian corpus.

In this article, the authors present a first edition of the recently found inscription TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1, propose an eighth-century dating and explore some of the consequences of this date for the group of inscriptions mentioning Hartapu, son of Mursili.

Religion has significantly influenced societies throughout history and across the globe. Family firms—particularly those operating in strongly religious regions—are more likely to be subject to the influence of religion. However, little is known about the mechanisms by which religion affects business activities in family firms. We study how religion impacts business activities through a qualitative study of two Anatolian-based family firms in Turkey. We find that religion provides a dominant meaning system that plays a key role in constituting business activities through three mechanisms: (1) family imports religious practices as business practices; (2) family adheres to religious values as a rationale for business actions; and (3) family religious values define business taboos by avoiding the evil eye. These mechanisms highlight how religion becomes a source of well-understood business practices, how religion defines the nature of rationality that guides business activities, and how religious taboos can delimit the range of potential business activities, respectively.

At the confluence of Turkic-Mongolian Shamanism and Anatolian Sufism during the late 13th and early 14th centuries, Baraq Baba emerged as a prominent Turkmen Sheikh reflecting this synthesis. While his real name remains unknown, various sources indicate that Baraq Baba was born in a village near Tokat, one of the centers of the Babaī movement. Drawn to the path of dervishhood at an early age, he embarked on a spiritual quest that led him to immerse himself in the Babaī milieu. During this journey, he became a disciple (murid) of Sari Saltuq, a distinguished Turkmen Sheikh of the time. This period of discipleship played a significant role in shaping Baraq Baba's spiritual worldview and deepening his understanding of Sufism. Shortly after beginning his life as a dervish, Baraq Baba traveled extensively across Anatolia, establishing a broad sphere of influence and gaining considerable renown for his charismatic personality. His reputation eventually reached the Iran-based Ilkhanid, resulting to an invitation to the court of Ghazan Khan (1295-1304). Subjected to various tests by the ruler, Baraq Baba successfully overcome these challenges, earning Ghazan Khan's respect and favor. Baraq Baba maintained his esteemed position during the reign of Sultan Öljeitü (1304-1316), serving in several diplomatic missions. One such mission took place in 706/1306 when Baraq Baba and his dervishes were part of a delegation sent to Damascus to meet with the Mamlūk Sultan al-Malik al-Nāsir. Similarly, in 707/1307, he was dispatched on another diplomatic mission to Gīlān, where he ultimately met his end through assassination. Baraq Baba and his disciples serve as one of the most striking examples of how Shamanism influenced heterodox Islām. Their attire, behaviors, and overall demeanor –particularly as observed during their arrival in Damascus– were meticulously recorded by contemporary Arab chroniclers, offering critical insights into their hybrid Islāmic and Shamanistic identity. According to these accounts, Baraq Baba and his disciples dressed uniformly, wearing horn-shaped felt caps on either side of their heads. They had shaved hair and beards but sported thick mustaches. Their garments were white, and they adorned their necks with small bells and necklaces made of painted knucklebones. Baraq Baba carried a long staff and a wooden sword, and it is noted that he danced to the rhythm of drums, accompanied by the eerie sounds of bells and bones. During these rituals, he would emit animallike noises to achieve a state of ecstasy, displaying what could be described as epileptic or hysterical episodes. In such trances, he would mutter incomprehensible words akin to those uttered by dervishes during moments of ecstatic exaltation. In summary, Baraq Baba, characterized by distinct Shamanistic traits, can also be regarded as a meticulous Turkmen baba (spiritual leader) devoted to worship. This study aims to examine how Sheikh Baraq Baba, affiliated with the Haydariyya branch of the Qalandariyya conception, integrated rituals and symbols unique to Turkic-Mongolian Shamanism into an Islāmic framework within the context of the Anatolian Sufi tradition. This analysis draws upon primary sources from the period as well as contemporary scholarly works.

The present paper aims at reassessing the vexing etymology of Hitt. laḫḫurnuzzi-[nt./c.] 'leafage, leavy branches, foliage, greenery (of trees or shrubs); woven mat or carpet'. So far, the main conundrum is to account for the presence of -uzzi-(a productive suffix for instrumental nouns), while the word under examination is everything but a tool or an implement, by contrast with kur-uzzi-'cutter' or išpand-uzzi-'libation vessel'. Besides, such forms are mainly deverbatives and Simon's (2013: 108) assumption of a denominative ·laḫḫurn-iya-'(?)' as the source of a deverbative laḫḫurn-uzzican hardly be upheld, even if a stem ·laḫḫur-na [coll.pl.] 'leafage, foliage' vs. simplex ·laḫḫur [nt.] 'leaf; leafy plant' may be assigned to Luwian, as proposed by Simon (ibid.). The derivational history of Hitt. laḫḫurnuzziwill be outlined here with an alternative scenario and comparative evidence for Luw. ·laḫḫur (< PIE ·h1l-éh2-u-r 'leaf' ← ·h1l-éh2-u-[nt.] 'leaf' ← ·h1l-éh2-u-[adj.] 'leafy'), viz. Proto-Gk ·ἐλαί... [f.] 'olive-tree' and ·?λαι?ος [m.] 'wild olive tree', from Proto-Gk ·ἐλαι...ς [adj.] 'leafy' - the reflex of PIE ·h1l-eh2-iu?-ó-[adj.] 'leafy' (thematic variant of ·h1l-eh2-iú?-). Both forms can thus be assigned to PIE ·h1él-h2-, ·h1l-éh2-'vegetal growth' of proterokinetic inflection, ultimately based on a primary root ·h1el-'to go out; to rise; to grow'.

Since the discovery of the TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1 inscription in 2019, Iron Age Anatolian scholarship has been energised by the appearance of a hitherto unknown kingdom in the Konya Plain ruled by ‘Great King Hartapu’. While the historical context of Hartapu’s inscriptions have undergone dramatic reassessment in light of the new text as well as the archaeology of the associated site Türkmen-Karahöyük, little attention has been paid to the conditions that would have contributed to the rise of this kingdom in the first place. Although archaeological data remains scarce for south-cen- tral Anatolia during the early first millennium BCE, this article proposes several factors that likely played a role in the emergence of the kingdom: cultural and economic interaction with the Neo-Assyrian Empire, similar relations with Phrygia, emulative competition with its Tabalian peer polities and a propitious ecological setting at a time of significant environmental transformations. Interspersed with these arguments are reflections and anecdotes about Hartapu, and especially the way we represent Hartapu visually, that evoke how the effort we have spent on understanding political dynamics in Hartapu’s kingdom has been disproportionately imbalanced toward Hartapu himself, with insufficient consideration having been given to longer term, structural forces. Such reflections lead us to reconsider the potentially disproportionately impactful effect of Hartapu’s monuments in antiquity, and the extent to which Hartapu’s kingdom in fact consisted of his own self-imaging. 2019 yılında TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1 yazıtının keşfinden bu yana, Anadolu’da Demir Çağı araştırmaları, Konya Ovası’nda hüküm süren ve daha önce bilinmeyen bir krallığın ortaya çıkışıyla hareketlenmiştir. Bu krallığın hükümdarı “Büyük Kral Hartapu” olarak anılmaktadır. Yeni yazıtın yanı sıra ilgili yerleşim yeri olan Türkmen-Karahöyük’teki arke- olojik bulgular ışığında, Hartapu’nun yazıtlarının tarihsel bağlamı köklü bir yeniden değerlendirmeye tabi tutulmuştur. Ancak, bu krallığın ortaya çıkışına zemin hazırlayan koşullara gerekli ilgi gösterilmemiştir. MÖ erken birinci binyılda Güney-Orta Anadolu’ya dair arkeolojik veriler halen sınırlı olsa da, bu makale krallığın ortaya çıkışında rol oynamış olabilecek birkaç faktörü öne sürmektedir: Yeni-Asur İmparatorluğu ile kültürel ve ekonomik etkileşim, Frigya ile benzer ilişkiler, Tabal bölgesindeki çağdaş siyasi yapılarla rekabet ve önemli çevresel dönüşümlerin yaşandığı bir dönemde elverişli ekolojik koşullar. Bu argümanlara ek olarak, Hartapu’ya dair çeşitli anekdotlar ve özellikle onun görsel temsili üzerine düşüncelere de makale kapsamında değinilmiştir. serpiştirilmiştir. Bu bağlamda, Hartapu’nun krallığındaki siyasi dinamikleri anlama çabamızın orantısız bir şekilde Hartapu’nun şahsına yöneldiği, ancak uzun vadeli yapısal etkenlere yeterince dikkat gösterilmediği vurgulanmaktadır. Bu tür değerlendirmeler, Hartapu’nun anıtlarının antik dönemdeki etkisinin ne denli orantısız olabileceğini ve Hartapu krallığının aslında ne ölçüde onun kendi imgesinin bir ürünü olduğunu yeniden düşünmemizi gerektirmektedir.