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This book examines the linguistic and interactional mechanisms through which people bond or feel bonded with one another by analyzing situated discourse in Japanese contexts. The term \"bonding\" points to the sense of co-presence, belonging, and alignment with others as well as with the space of interaction. We analyze bonding as established, not only through the usage of language as a foregrounded code, but also through multi-layered contexts shared on the interactional, corporeal, and socio-cultural levels. The volume comprises twelve chapters examining the processes of bonding (and un-bonding) using situated discourse taken from rich ethnographic data including police suspect interrogations, Skype-mediated family conversations, theatrical rehearsals, storytelling, business email correspondence and advertisements. While the book focuses on processes of bonding in Japanese discourse, the concept of bonding can be applied universally in analyzing the co-creation of semiotic, pragmatic, and communal space in situated discourse.

The origin and early dispersal of speakers of Transeurasian languages—that is, Japanese, Korean, Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic—is among the most disputed issues of Eurasian population history 1 – 3 . A key problem is the relationship between linguistic dispersals, agricultural expansions and population movements 4 , 5 . Here we address this question by ‘triangulating’ genetics, archaeology and linguistics in a unified perspective. We report wide-ranging datasets from these disciplines, including a comprehensive Transeurasian agropastoral and basic vocabulary; an archaeological database of 255 Neolithic–Bronze Age sites from Northeast Asia; and a collection of ancient genomes from Korea, the Ryukyu islands and early cereal farmers in Japan, complementing previously published genomes from East Asia. Challenging the traditional ‘pastoralist hypothesis’ 6 – 8 , we show that the common ancestry and primary dispersals of Transeurasian languages can be traced back to the first farmers moving across Northeast Asia from the Early Neolithic onwards, but that this shared heritage has been masked by extensive cultural interaction since the Bronze Age. As well as marking considerable progress in the three individual disciplines, by combining their converging evidence we show that the early spread of Transeurasian speakers was driven by agriculture. A ‘triangulation’ approach combining linguistics, archaeology and genetics suggests that the origin and spread of Transeurasian family of languages can be traced back to early millet farmers in Neolithic North East Asia.

Diverse phenomena in sociocultural life are analyzed with recourse to Pence's concept of the dicent interprétant. Attention to the semiotic role of the interpretant, itself a sign that articulates with connected signs in the generative process of semiosis, contributes to expanded understanding of ritual and attendant anthropological objects. I discuss how semiotic ideology makes possible, and makes real, a particular transformation of potentials of form expressed as likenesses into actual existents represented as contiguities. I develop an indexical treatment of such transformations that I label dicentization. Indexicality and iconicity have become central to linguistic anthropology and dicentization offers an account of how they work together beyond language in cultural semiosis. The article generalizes and applies the resulting explanatory model to a range of social phenomena described in the literature, including Aboriginal Australian iconography, Medieval Japanese asceticism, Homeric and Freudian psychologies of rage, and traps and primitivism in African and modern art. The analysis contributes to a semiotic realist conception of the continuity of representation and reality.

The role of translation in the formation of modern Japanese identities has become one of the most exciting new fields of inquiry in Japanese studies. This book marks the first attempt to establish the contours of this new field, bringing together seminal works of Japanese scholarship and criticism with cutting-edge English-language scholarship. Collectively, the contributors to this book address two critical questions: 1) how does the conception of modern Japan as a culture of translation affect our understanding of Japanese modernity and its relation to the East/West divide? and 2) how does the example of a distinctly East Asian tradition of translation affect our understanding of translation itself? The chapter engage a wide array of disciplines, perspectives, and topics from politics to culture, the written language to visual culture, scientific discourse to children's literature and the Japanese conception of a national literature. Translation in Modern Japan will be of huge interest to a diverse readership in both Japanese studies and translation studies as well as students and scholars of the theory and practice of Japanese literary translation, traditional and modern Japanese history and culture, and Japanese women’s studies. Indra Levy is an Assistant Professor in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at Stanford University, USA. Introduction: Modern Japan and the Trialectics of Translation Indra Levy Part I: Critical Japanese Sources 1. Maruyama Masao and Kato* Shu*ichi on Translation and Japanese Modernity Andre Haag 2. Selections by Yanabu Akira 3. From Iro (Eros) to Ai=Love : The Case of Tsubouchi Sho*yo* Saeki Junko translated by Indra Levy 4. On Tenko* , or Ideological Conversion Yoshimoto Takaaki translated by Hisaaki Wake Part II: English-language Scholarship 5. Hokusai’s Geometry Christine M. E. Guth 6. Sounds, Scripts, and Styles: Kanbun kundokutai and the National Language Reforms of 1880s Japan Atsuko Ueda 7. Monstrous Language: The Translation of Hygienic Discourse in Izumi Kyo*ka’s The Holy Man of Mount Ko*ya Miri Nakamura 8. Brave Dogs and Little Lords: Some Thoughts on Translation, Gender, and the Debate on Childhood in Mid Meiji Melek Ortabasi 9. The New Woman of Japan and the Intimate Bonds of Translation Jan Bardsley 10. Making Genji Ours: Translation, World Literature, and Masamune Hakucho*’s Discovery of The Tale of Genji Michael Emmerich Annotated Bibliography Aragorn Quinn

It is now widely recognised that learning a language should not just involve linguistic competence but also intercultural competence. It is also clear that intercultural competence can be developed through related subjects such as geography, history, mother tongue teaching. This book takes this as a given and provides practical help for teachers who wish to help their learners acquire intercultural competence in the ordinary classroom. It contains descriptions of lessons and materials from a wide range of classrooms in several countries and for beginners to advanced learners.

My main thesis can be summed up in two sentences: first, genuine universals of culture or cognition cannot be formulated if we do not have at our disposal some well established universals of language; and second, generalizations about cross-cultural differences can be sharpened and tightened if they are based on universals of language. The idea is simple and can be presented in the following series of statements: In searching for either universal or culture-specific features of human cognition we are searching for certain generalizations; These generalizations have to be expressed in some language; Each language carries with it some ways of thinking that are peculiar to that language, that is, not universal; If we uncritically formulate some hypothetical universals in one particular natural language, for example, English, we run the risk of distorting those universals by imposing on them the perspective embedded in that particular language; and the same applies to our descriptions of cultural differences; If our language of description is not to introduce a language-specific bias, this language itself has to be universal, in the sense of not being tied to a particular culture and society. Hence the conclusion: genuine universals of culture or cognition can only be formulated if we have at our disposal a universal language, and similarly, only a universal language can allow us to formulate generalizations about different cultures from a culture-independent point of view. In this article, I argue that a universal, \"culture-free\" language suitable both for the study of human universals and the exploration of cultural differences, can be built on the basis of empirical universals of language. I also claim that such a language has already been largely constructed, thus bringing the notion of a \"universal language\" from the realm of utopia to the realm of everyday reality. The article shows that this language can serve as a natural semantic metalanguage for describing and exploring both universal and culture-specific forms of human thinking, and in particular, for identifying and comparing models of person across languages and cultures.

The argument of this article is that persuasion is a topic largely neglected by anthropologists, who prefer to see human behavior as conforming to cultural rules or driven by social forces. Drawing on his experience in the advertising business in Japan, the author examines persuasion in light of cultural heuristics available to would-be persuaders striving to create different types of social relationships.

[...]especially as an expression used by men, ka'e uzi refers to the reciprocal relation of individuals or groups related as - or in a way comparable to - siblings of the same sex. When ka'e uzi refers to individual relatives distinguishable either as elder or younger, the terms can be applied not only to a man's brothers and male cousins, but also to his sisters and female cousins. [...]a man can, for example, refer either to his elder brother or elder sister as his ka'e, while ka'e or uzi are also occasionally used for female relatives in addre~s.~ When the emphasis is upon Lhe sister's sex rather than her age, however, the term employed in reference is weta. The same of course applies when MBW is classificd as ine (M) rather than as mame (FZ). [...]we have two contrasting pairs of equations and distinctions, namely: F # F Z H = M B M#MBW=FZ and F=FZH#MB M=MBW#FZ In this part of the terminology, one glimpses an obvious means by which a classification of syrnmetric alliance can be transformed to make it accord more closely with an asymmetric marriage system (cf. Yet the Same applies when MBW is classilicd with F2 as mame, since, formally speaking, FZD is as much prohibited in marriage as is Z. What is more, the classification of MBW with M, and FZH with F, is consistent with at least one major feature of Nage alliance practice. [...]when ego's group enters into marriage negotiations, as wel1 as on other occasions requiring an exchange of material goods with its own wife-givers, ego's wife-takels are as it were temporarily subsumed as membcrs of his own group.

Contemporary scholarship on Africa by Japanese anthropologists is vital, diverse, and expanding. This brief review surveys the development of anthropological research on Africa by Japanese scholars and is followed by a compilation of Japanese publications on Africa in English and French. Although some observations about Japanese anthropological research in Africa will be offered, the goal is primarily to inform American Africanists of this Japanese scholarship and the contexts within which it has developed rather than to attempt a critical appraisal. It is not commonly known among western scholars that anthropology was formally established in Japan over one hundred years ago. The Anthropological Society of Tokyo (now the Anthropological Society of Japan) was established in 1884 by Shogoro Tsuboi, and two years later its journal Zinruigaku Zassi was first published. In 1893 Tsuboi was appointed the first professor of anthropology at the University of Tokyo. The Linguistic Society of Japan was formed in 1896 (although linguistics had been taught at the University of Tokyo for a decade), the same year that the Archaeology Society of Japan was established. As Takao Sofue notes, because anthropology at the University of Tokyo developed primarily as physical anthropology, ethnology (only termed cultural anthropology after World War II) emerged later and with the influence of Japanese folklorists (1962: 173-75; see also Yamaguchi and Nagashima, 1987). An informal group of scholars began meeting in 1928. Their name, the APE Circle (standing for Anthropology, Prehistory, and Ethnology), represented their desire to pursue a broader study of humans. In 1934 they formally created the Japanese Society of Ethnology and their journal Minzokugaku kenkyu appeared in the following year. The Folklore Society of Japan also was established in 1935.