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Why are some firms more successful than others in obtaining privileged treatment from their government? Trade policy, as an unusually targeted tool, offers a rich context to understand such questions of special-interest politics and corporate power. Studying decisions on anti-dumping petitions in the United States, we introduce a novel source of privileged treatment. We argue that firms with more linkages throughout the domestic economy enjoy a privileged political position. Benefits to these firms extend indirectly to a wider set of constituents, which allows firms to assemble broader coalitions and to portray protectionist policy as more than purely particularistic politics. We provide evidence for this argument by developing original measures of linkages between firms, derived from over 600,000 customer–supplier relationships among industries, matching them with data on anti-dumping petitions filed by US firms, written briefs filed by members of Congress on behalf of these firms, and the geographic distribution of industries. Our account identifies a new explanation of differences in the political influence of firms, underscores the relevance of domestic production networks in politics, and offers a novel perspective on cleavages and coalitions in trade politics. Our results also suggest that the expansion of global supply chains, long considered a hallmark of political power, has weakened the clout of some of the largest firms by limiting their domestic footprint.

Purpose. The practice of trade re-routing, where goods are redirected through intermediary countries to evade anti-dumping duties, poses significant challenges for global trade regulation. While this phenomenon is well-documented, the specific relationship between the intensity of trade re-routing with the level of anti-dumping duties and the involvement of multiple countries has not been fully explored. This study advances the research by investigating the direct correlation between anti- umping duty levels and the scale of re-routing activities, offering a more nuanced understanding of how varying duty levels influence firms’ strategic responses.Methods. Drawing on trade data from 2014 to 2023, we employ econometric analysis to examine how anti-dumping discount fluctuations affect trade volume through third countries.Findings. Our findings reveal that when duty levels are high, firms’ incentive for trade re-routing increases, and the phenomenon’s intensity rises, with multiple intermediary countries being employed to obscure their trade routes further. The results provide empirical evidence that higher duty levels substantially increase the incentive for trade re-routing. In contrast, lower duties tend to reduce the motivation for such practices.Originality. Focusing specifically on the intensity of the re-routing phenomenon and the complexity of intermediary involvement in response to duty levels, this study goes beyond existing literature to provide deeper insights into the conditions that drive or mitigate duty evasion tactics.Practical implications. This research has critical implications for policymakers, as it highlights the limitations of current anti-dumping measures in addressing circumvention. The study underscores the need for more sophisticated detection and prevention mechanisms to counter firms’ adaptive strategies, particularly when facing high-duty scenarios. Our findings contribute to thebroader trade enforcement discourse by offering theoretical and practical implications for strengthening international trade governance.

Current research on antidumping suggests a number of channels through which antidumping affects the volume of world trade. This paper uses a structural approach to the gravity model framework to evaluate these hypotheses using data on trade volume over the period 1948 to 2001. We conclude that the volume and welfare effects have been negative but quite modest.

Purpose The purpose of the study is to investigate the impact of implementing anti-dumping duties on imported Australian wine to China in the short- and long-run, respectively. Design/methodology/approach First, the Difference-in-Differences (DID) method is used in this study to evaluate the short-run causal effect of implementing anti-dumping duties on imported Australian wine to China. Second, a Bayesian ensemble method is used to predict 2023–2025 wine exports from Australia to China. The disparity between the forecasts and counterfactual prediction which assumes no anti-dumping duties represents the accumulated impact of the anti-dumping duties in the long run. Findings The anti-dumping duties resulted in a significant decline in red and rose, white and sparkling wine exports to China by 92.59%, 99.06% and 90.06%, respectively, in 2021. In the long run, wine exports to China are projected to continue this downward trend, with an average annual growth rate of −21.92%, −38.90% and −9.54% for the three types of wine, respectively. In contrast, the counterfactual prediction indicates an increase of 3.20%, 20.37% and 4.55% for the respective categories. Consequently, the policy intervention is expected to result in a decrease of 96.11%, 93.15% and 84.11% in red and rose, white and sparkling wine exports to China from 2021 to 2025. Originality/value The originality of this study lies in the creation of an economic paradigm for assessing policy impacts within the realm of wine economics. Methodologically, it also represents the pioneering application of the DID and Bayesian ensemble forecasting methods within the field of wine economics.

This paper quantifies trade policy changes and the associated trade impacts for about 100 countries between 2008 and 2009. Results show that there has been no widespread increase in protectionism. Only a few countries, including Russia, Argentina, Turkey, and China, have increased tariffs on major imported products. The United States and the EU, by contrast, rely mainly on antidumping duties to shield domestic industries. Overall, while the rise in tariffs and antidumping duties may have jointly caused global trade to drop by US$43 billion, it explains less than 2% of the collapse in world trade during the crisis period.

This study aims to explore the research landscape and identify the main research directions related to the topic of trade remedies. The research data were collected by accessing the Scopus database with 289 documents and the WoS database with 75 documents published from 1950 to 2023. After processing the data overlap, 290 documents were used as the final sample for the study. The study employed descriptive statistical analysis; bibliometric analysis was conducted using the VOSviewer 1.6.20 software. The results indicate that publications on the topic of trade remedies have been relatively scarce, but diverse research has been conducted in various countries worldwide. The period from 2007 to 2023 has seen significant development in the quantity of both articles and citations related to the topic. Additionally, the study reveals three main research directions related to the development of different aspects of trade remedies. These include research on specific measures of trade remedies (anti-dumping, countervailing measures, safeguard measures, and reactive and preventive trade defense measures), research on the use of tariffs as a tool for implementing trade remedies in the field of renewable energy, and research on resolving international trade disputes in the agricultural sector. AcknowledgmentThis collaborative research involves scholars from the University of Law – Hue University and Duy Tan University. The authors extend their gratitude to both institutions for their support and assistance in facilitating the publication of this research.

We apply insights from “new, new” trade theory to explain a puzzling decline in US firm antidumping (AD) filings in an era of persistent foreign currency undervaluations and increasing import competition. Firms exhibit heterogeneity both within and across industries regarding foreign direct investment (FDI). We propose that firms making vertical or resource-seeking investments abroad will be less likely to file AD petitions, and firms are likely to undertake vertical FDI in the context of currency undervaluation. Hence, we argue, the increasing vertical FDI of US firms makes trade disputes far less likely. We use firm-level data to examine the universe of US manufacturing firms and find that AD filers generally conduct no intrafirm trade with filed-against countries. We also find that persistent currency undervaluation is associated over time with increased vertical FDI and intrafirm trade by US multinational corporations (MNCs) in the undervaluing country. Among larger US MNCs, the likelihood of an AD filing is negatively associated with increases in intrafirm trade. In the context of currency undervaluation, we confirm the existing finding that undervaluation is associated with more AD filings. We also find, however, that high levels of intrafirm imports from countries with undervalued currencies significantly decrease the likelihood of AD filings. Our study highlights the centrality of firm heterogeneity in international trade and investment in understanding political mobilization over international economic policy.

The Bagwell and Staiger (1990) theory of cooperative trade agreements predicts new tariffs (i) increase with imports, (ii) increase with the inverse of the sum of the import demand and export supply elasticities, and (iii) decrease with the variance of imports. We find US import policy during 1997–2006 to be consistent with this theory. A one standard deviation increase in import growth, the inverse of the sum of the import demand and export supply elasticity, and the standard deviation of import growth changes the probability that the US imposes an antidumping tariff by 35 percent, by 88 percent, and by –76 percent, respectively.

This paper empirically examines what factors affected the termination of anti-dumping measures in Korea during the 2006-2019 period. Employing a meticulous literature review, the paper investigates the WTO's and Korea's rules on the termination of antidumping measures and sets up the related variables in the Cox proportional hazards model. The empirical results show that the GDP growth rate, employment, and trade competitiveness in domestic industries had positive effects on the hazard of the termination of AD measures, while free trade agreements had negative effects. By industry, the hazard of the termination of AD measures was less prominent in the steel industry, while it was more prominent in the machinery industry. These results imply that AD measures in Korea had the properties of a proper trade remedy policy and, at the same time, a protectionism tool to sustain its domestic industries, depending on industrial characteristics and other trade policies.

After the rise of trade protectionism, anti-dumping has become a common means of political and trade games between countries. Global supply chains move production emissions between countries or regions through trade. In the context of carbon neutrality, anti-dumping measures representing the right to trade may become a tool for the game of emission rights between countries. Therefore, it is very important to study the environmental effects of anti-dumping to cope with global climate change and promote national development. Taking a sample of 189 countries and regions from the EORA input–output table with a study period of 2000–2016, we use the complex network, multi-regional input–output and panel regression models to verify the impact of anti-dumping on air emission transfer by constructing an anti-dumping network and an embodied air emission network. The results show that the initiator of anti-dumping can use anti-dumping to realize the cross-border transfer of ecological costs, reduce the burden of emission reduction and save more on emission quota. Developing countries lacking the right to speak in trade will increase the export volume of commodities after being subjected to a large number of anti-dumping sanctions, thus paying higher ecological costs and consuming more emission quotas. From a global perspective, additional emissions from product production can further contribute to global climate change.