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"Anti-Americanism Pakistan."
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The costs and consequences of drone warfare
One of the distinctive elements of President Barack Obama's approach to counterterrorism has been his embrace of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), or drones, to target terrorist operatives abroad. The Obama administration has used drones in active theatres of war, such as Afghanistan, but it has also dramatically increased the number of drone attacks launched by the CIA in other countries, such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. The conventional wisdom on drone warfare holds that these weapons are highly effective in killing terrorist operatives and disabling terrorist organizations, while killing fewer civilians than other means of attack. This article argues that much of the existing debate on drones operates with an attenuated notion of effectiveness that discounts the political and strategic dynamics—such as the corrosion of the perceptions of competence and legitimacy of governments where drone strikes take place, growing anti-Americanism and fresh recruitment of militant networks—that reveal the costs of drone warfare. Focusing particularly on drone use in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia, the article suggests that the Obama administration's counterterrorism policy operates at cross-purposes because it provides a steady flow of arms and financial resources to build up governments whose legitimacy it systematically undermines by conducting unilateral strikes on their territory. It concludes that the US embrace of drone technology is a losing proposition over the long term as it will usher in a new arms race and lay the foundations for an international system that is increasingly violent, destabilized and polarized between those who have drones and those who are victims of them.
Journal Article
Foreign policies or culture: What shapes Muslim public opinion on political violence against the United States?
This analysis uses survey data representing three of the world's most populous Muslim majority countries to challenge conventional wisdom on what shapes Muslim public opinion on political violence against the United States. It improves previous analysis by clearly distinguishing support for violence against civilians from support for violence against military targets and by featuring independent variables that clearly separate views on US foreign policies from views on US culture. Logistic regression shows that, among Egyptian, Pakistani and Indonesian Muslims, perceptions of controversial US policies toward Israel, Middle Eastern oil, or the perceived attempt to weaken and divide the Muslim world are not related to support for attacks on civilians in the United States, but only to support for attacks on US military targets. Approval of attacks on US civilians is shaped, instead, by negative views of US freedom of expression, culture, and people, disapproval of the domestic political status quo and the notion of general US hostility toward democracy in the Middle East. This last finding has important implications for US and Western policies toward the post-Arab Spring Middle East in particular and the broader relationship with the Muslim World in general.
Journal Article
Media, education and anti-Americanism in the Muslim world
Recent surveys in the United States and the Muslim world show widespread misinformation about the events of September 11, 2001. Using data from 9 predominantly Muslim countries, we study how such beliefs depend on exposure to news media and levels of education. Standard economic theory would predict that increased access to information should cause beliefs to converge. More recent models of biased belief formation suggest that this result might hinge critically on who is providing the information. Consistent with the latter, we find that overall intensity of media use and level of education have at best a weak correlation with beliefs, while particular information sources have strong and divergent effects. Compared to those with little media exposure or schooling, individuals watching Arab news channels or educated in schools with little Western influence are less likely to agree that the September 11 attacks were carried out by Arab terrorists. Those exposed to media or education from Western sources are more likely to agree. Belief that the attacks were morally justified and general attitudes toward the US are also strongly correlated with source of information. These findings survive controls for demographic characteristics and are robust to identifying media effects using cross-country variation in language.
Journal Article
The nexus between customer equity and brand switching behaviour of millennial Muslim consumers
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the influence of customer equity on the brand-switching behaviour of millennial Muslim consumers in Pakistan and Malaysia using the theory of planned behaviour framework.Design/methodology/approachData were collected from 706 millennial Muslim consumers from two universities in each country through a self-administered questionnaire using a multi-cluster probability sampling and were analysed using structural equation modelling.FindingsThe findings demonstrate that the customer equity dimensions (awareness of American brands, perceived quality and image of American brands) are significantly different between the two countries, and moreover, customer equity strongly influences the brand-switching intention behaviour in both countries, and this consequently influences the actual brand-switching behaviour.Practical implicationsThis study is important for those firms who have many prospective switchers and Muslim consumers, because it is essential to understand why brand-switching behaviour occurs, and to what extent such firms can discourage such consumers from leaving the brand.Originality/valueThis is the first paper of its kind to examine the brand-switching behaviour of millennial Muslim consumers in two different cultures.
Journal Article
Democratic Islamization in pakistan and Turkey: Lessons for the post-Arab Spring Muslim World
This article compares and contrasts democratic Islamization in Pakistan and Turkey, two countries where Islamic parties came to power through electoral means. Based on a comparative analysis of these experiences, this article will make the case that democratic Islamization can be best
understood through a three-fold approach focusing on Islamization of educational systems, economies, and social policies. This analysis introduces two models of Islamic democracy: the \"Conflicted Repressive Islamization\" of Pakistan, and the \"Subtle Islamization\" of
Turkey. It also suggests that the Turkish model will serve as the inspiration for future reformers in the Muslim world.
Journal Article
Rethinking Pakistan–U.S. relations
In June 2001, a study by the task force of the Centre for Global Development, a private Washington-based think tank, recommended that the United States should delay much of its $7.5-billion-dollar aid package for Pakistan approved under the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act 2009, better known as the Kerry Lugar-Bermann Act, so named after U.S. Senators John Kerry and Richard Lugar and Representative Howard Berman, who hoped to fight anti-Americanism in Pakistan by switching the U.S. focus from backing the military to building the economy and civilian institutions.
Journal Article
Help Wanted
The U.S. drone program in Pakistan faces strong resistance in Pakistan. Because the program solely seeks to eliminate terrorist groups and leaders through bombing campaigns, with no built in social support, the local population’s anti-American sentiment has reached the highest level in history. This angry mood against U.S. drone programs is spreading throughout the Islamic world. To counter this anti-American sentiment, and increase the drone program’s effectiveness, the U.S. must invest in multifaceted, socio-economic support efforts to educate the population and rebuild the gratuity, trust, and commitment of Pakistan’s people to the “War on Terror.”
Journal Article
Pakistan: Can U.S. Policy Save the Day?
Following the attacks of September 11th, 2001, the United States has been preoccupied with political and economic stability and preventing terrorism in Pakistan. However, as this paper shows, the United States has sown some of the seeds of instability and rebellion in Pakistan by consistently supporting all of the country's authoritarian military dictatorships since 1953; and has been accused of aiding the military in the overthrow of democratic governments several times as well. Any U.S. foreign policy based upon the continued militarization of Pakistan and Afghanistan, the paper argues, will most likely succeed in increasing support for the Taliban in Pakistan, specifically among Pashtuns, and will ultimately further destabilize the country and the region. Also discusses India-Pakistan relations and ethno-religious relations in Pakistan and India. Adapted from the source document.
Journal Article
Pakistan: Terror War Bolsters Islamism, Nationhood
Draws on personal experience visiting Pakistan to examine the internal sources of recent Islamization there & its effect on the polity, arguing that Pakistan is still evolving into a state. Two factors are seen to be influencing this Islamization: (1) the US-led \"war on terror\" & other wars & (2) modernization. It is asserted that these variables are bolstering Islamism, which in turn is boosting Pakistani nationhood. In shedding light on Pakistani Islamism, Islamic public & private spaces are described. Attention is also given to the historical struggle to create a Muslim homeland in South Asia, the integrative effect of warfare, the divisiveness of the government's anti-Taliban campaign, & the Islamist-secular clash. It is contended that Islamization is more a sociopolitical than spiritual phenomenon visible mostly in the public rather than private sphere, & as the initial enthusiasm wanes, nationhood might be reinforced while secularism remains important in private lives, although the international community would need to respect the Islamic social & cultural values being nurtured. D. Edelman
Journal Article