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Discrimination is still not sufficiently addressed within liberal democracies.Often only some groups are protected against discrimination and merely in certain situations.This leaves many who suffer because of discrimination without recourse.

Parents’ discrimination against their children is lawful. But the family, as an institution in which social goods are allocated, is as significant as the sites in which anti-discrimination law operates. At least prima facie, therefore, parents should be governed by legal prohibitions on discrimination. While state incursion into family life poses a threat to children’s autonomy, so does parental discrimination against children. Anti-discrimination law therefore needs new institutions to promote the values of non-discrimination in a part of society that currently sits outside anti-discrimination law’s reach. We identify existing regimes that may provide a starting point for this work.

This monograph explores some of the conceptual questions which underpin the legal disputes which arise in relation to equality and discrimination. Among these are questions about the meaning of ‘equality’ as a legal concept and its relationship to the principle of non-discrimination; symmetrical and asymmetrical approaches to equality/non-discrimination; the role of comparators in discrimination/equality analysis; the selection of protected characteristics and the proper sphere of statutory and constitutional protections, and the scope for and regulation of potential conflicts between protected grounds. The author engages with domestic, EU and ECtHR case law as well as with wider international approaches.

Multidisciplinary work on sexual assault. Winner of «Teresa Rosmaninho Human Rights Award, Women's Right» /2nd Edition/2014  

In Complex equality and the Court of Justice of the European Union: Reconciling Diversity and Harmonization, Richard Lang proposes that the EU's judges adopt Walzerian Complex Equality as a complement to their existing, and unsatisfactory, test for equality based on Aristotle.

Even today, class discrimination remains an important global legal issue. This book allows readers a better understanding of the issue of class discrimination and inequality, including the role of education in bridging the class systems. The study seeks to increase the likelihood of achieving equality at both the national and international levels for those suffering class discrimination as the international population becomes increasingly educated, looking at the primary role of legislation, which has an impact on the court process. It also discusses the two most important trade agreements of our day - namely the North American Free Trade Agreement and the European Union Treaty - in a historical and compelling analysis of discrimination. By providing a detailed examination of the relationship between class and education as they relate to the law, the book will be an important read for those concerned with equality.

In many jurisdictions the list of factors for which anti-discrimination law applies has been expanded to include sexual orientation. As a result, moral and legal difficulties have arisen for religious organizations whose basic beliefs include the belief that sexual acts between persons of the same sex are immoral. In light of these difficulties, is anti-discrimination law of this sort unjust? Recently John Finnis has argued that, as commonly applied, such anti-discrimination law is disproportionate and therefore unjust. In this essay, I critically examine Finnis's argument, and argue that, on account of the conception of disproportionateness that is employed, it does not succeed. So as to enable the argument from disproportionateness to succeed, I develop and defend a modified conception of disproportionateness.

The Australian Human Rights Commission has claimed that recognising religious corporations as litigants in religious discrimination claims departs from international human rights law, which only protects the rights of natural legal persons. In this article we respond to that claim by arguing that under international law, Australia should protect the ability of religious groups to be litigants, including corporations. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights requires Australia to respect and ensure individuals have the right to manifest their beliefs in community with others, and that such communities are protected against discrimination on religious grounds. This requirement entails granting religious groups the ability to pursue legal measures to preserve the enjoyment of these rights by their members.

In an age of fear, insecurity, and multiple and overlapping crises, the fortunes of ESG—the idea that companies should include environmental, social, and governance standards of good performance—are now steadily growing. This is all the truer in the West, where corporate financial misconduct and, more worryingly, corporate political activities impacting democratic processes, have become a matter of evident concern. Business scholars and policymakers are, however, still uncertain about which corporate activities merit an ESG label, with pressure groups pushing for their own ESG definitions and standards according to their agendas and beliefs. Against this background, this paper contributes to this Special Issues’ guiding question of how religions can act as agents of civic mobilisation by critically examining their role in addressing sustainability topics due to religious concerns from a legal perspective. This current paper hopes to create a preliminary intellectual bridge between two apparently unrelated fields of research (law and religion; corporate governance) that could help scholars in both areas to develop expertise and sophistication in applying their respective specialities to an otherwise unfamiliar area.

Income inequality is at an all-time high in the Europe Union (EU). Implications from the economic crisis which broke out in 2008, and in particularly the austerity measures introduced by Governments in Eurozone countries receiving bailout programmes, created further inequalities, for example between men and women. This paper starts from the hypothesis that whereas other institutions in the EU have played a direct role in tackling the economic crisis, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) may have played a more indirect role, which nonetheless can have an overlooked value in particular for setting direction for legal norms of equality and anti-discrimination in Europe. The paper therefore addresses a legal-empirical question: To what extent does the anti-discrimination case law of the CJEU reflect the increased inequalities in Europe following the economic crisis? Based on a dataset of all anti-discrimination cases of the CJEU, I conduct a quantitative analysis of changes in the case law from before to after the economic crisis. I find that there is only weak evidence, which suggests that the case law of the CJEU reflects the increased inequalities following the economic crisis.