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Exile of Camilian Demetrescu in Italy. Militancy, Anti-Communism and Professionalism. Anti-communist by excellence in spirit, the painter, sculptor and illustrator Camilian Demetrescu left Romania and went to Italy, tired of the continuous persistent attempts of the Securitate to attire him into becoming a collaborator. He left Romania legally in 1969, with a passport, and when the visa expired, he asked for political asylum. His stay in a capitalist country, but most of all the depths of his cultural and political exile, reflected in the articles of the Italian printed press and in the participation to actions or congresses, determined the Securitate not only to target him informatively, but also to threaten him, fact that did not stop him from being up to the end, with stoicism and determination, a convinced and militant anti-communist, a promoter of democracy and of human rights, but also an artist, who kept in his paintings, illustrations and sculptures the emotional relationship with Romania.

This paper examines how regional dynamics in the Caribbean Basin during the early Cold War shaped Argentina’s diplomatic efforts, while also analysing the diverse responses from Caribbean nations. This dual focus highlights the interplay between Argentina’s ambitions and the local and regional geopolitical, economic, and ideological contexts. These exchanges centred on three key themes: mitigating market gaps from agroexport reliance through agricultural and industrial imports; addressing rising anti-colonial sentiment; and navigating domestic tensions that divided pro-democratic governments from dictatorships. Drawing on diplomatic sources from nine countries and building on a historiographical resurgence focused on interactions among Latin American countries, this study highlights how these interactions helped shape the evolving political and economic landscape of the Caribbean Basin during this transformative period. Este artículo examina cómo la dinámica regional en la cuenca del Caribe durante los primeros años de la Guerra Fría influyó en los esfuerzos diplomáticos de Argentina, al tiempo que analiza las diversas respuestas de las naciones caribeñas. Este doble enfoque pone de relieve la interacción entre las ambiciones argentinas y los contextos geopolíticos, económicos e ideológicos locales y regionales. Estos intercambios se centraron en tres temas clave: mitigar las brechas de mercado derivadas de la dependencia agroexportadora mediante importaciones agrícolas e industriales; abordar el creciente sentimiento anticolonial; y sortear las tensiones internas que dividían a los gobiernos prodemocráticos de las dictaduras. Basándose en fuentes diplomáticas de nueve países y en un resurgimiento historiográfico centrado en las interacciones entre los países latinoamericanos, este estudio resalta cómo estas interacciones ayudaron a configurar el cambiante panorama político y económico de la cuenca del Caribe durante este período transformador.

Objective/Context: This article discusses the modernization of medical education in Brazil between 1951 and 1964, following the creation of the Ribeirão Preto Medical School (fmrp, for its initials in Portuguese) at the University of São Paulo (usp). The analysis emphasizes the tensions in the rapprochement between Zeferino Faz, the founding director of fmrp, considered a communist, and the Rockefeller Foundation (rf), an international philanthropic agency, for the development of basic sciences such as biochemistry, physiology, and pharmacology. Methodology: The documents used in the study were collected at the Rockefeller Archive Center in New York and the Historical Museum at the Ribeirão Preto Medical School and analyzed using the evidential paradigm proposed by Carlo Ginzburg. The evidential paradigm pays close attention to small details in the document, considered “signs” of processes that are not very explicit. Originality: The original contribution of this text consists of a better understanding of the strategies used by the rf to finance the fmrp, which differed in many moments from its institutional norms and the anti-communist orientation of the North American government. This finding contrasts with an entire contemporary bibliography that reiterates the persecution of these individuals. Conclusions: The study reveals the contradictions in the trajectory of Zeferino Vaz and the actions of the rf in search of the desired modernization of medical education in Latin America.

After the collapse of communism in 1989, several new phenomena emerged in the Czech Republic, including the far right, which built on aggressive anti-communism, nationalism, and support for right-wing currents. At the same time, there was a significant discrediting of general left-wing attitudes because of their identification with communism. The article focuses on how the Czech Antifascist Action (AFA) worked with anti-communism. The article first shows the basic principles on which anti-communism is based. It then focuses on post-communist anti-communism, specifically in the Czech Republic. At the same time, the article presents the history of anarchist anti-communism. The article then summarizes AFA's history, specifically its Czech version until the COVID-19 period. Methodologically, the article uses content analysis. The crucial data source is the texts published by AFA in their magazine Antifa News or Akce! and on their website Antifa.cz. In principle, it can be assumed that anti-communism played several distinct roles but were intertwined and mutually reinforcing. It enabled AFA to distinguish itself from the Communist Party and communism generally. The specificity of the Czech AFA's anti-communism lies in combining both approaches typical of anarchist anti-communism and approaches characteristic of the Czech variant of post-communist anti-communism.

Prior scholarship has treated the Philippines as an outside party to the conflict over the formation of Malaysia, known as Konfrontasi, which has been dealt with as a dispute between Malaysia and Indonesia. This article demonstrates the centrality of the Macapagal administration to the origins of Konfrontasi. Treating Manila as a core actor gives new insight into Konfrontasi, which can be best understood as a regional conflict over the racial and social shape of island Southeast Asia in the final stages of decolonization. Racialized anticommunism, expressed through the forcible redivision of the region to ensure social stability, emerges as the preoccupation of all the state actors promoting and opposing the formation of Malaysia. At the same time, an examination of developments in the Philippines and the actions of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) gives new insight into the critical function of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) in this affair.

Using an approach situated at the intersection of cultural memory studies and (critical) heritage studies, with a focus on the ambivalent socialist heritage of socialist statues and monuments and their changing role in postsocialist public spaces, this article engages with the postcommunist strategies of reckoning with the past in Romania and Bulgaria in the period 1990–2020. Comparing the kinds of monumental memory of communism that were established in these countries, the author discusses how each dealt with their ambivalent socialist heritage through a public memory policy comprising three combined strategies: removal; preservation; and the replacement of communist heroes with anticommunist counter-monuments. The author concludes that stances toward the socialist heritage manifest various tensions in terms of the types of statues that were removed or, alternately, allowed to remain; of the opposition between local and national decisions as well as between the official approach and citizens’ perspectives; and, finally, of aesthetic versus political criteria.

This paper analyzes the development and consolidation of anticommunist discourse in the General Conferences of the Latin American Episcopate (CELAM), from Rio de Janeiro to Aparecida. It adopts a critical perspective to examine the construction of the “messianic fraternity” myth—an ideological narrative contrasting Christian ideals of community and redemption with Marxist principles of class struggle and revolution, which served as a central axis for the Church’s rejection of communism in Latin America. Grounded in a critical analysis of the CELAM’s final documents, this study identifies the theological, political, and social underpinnings of this stance, situating it within the historical and geopolitical dynamics that positioned the Church as a key counterforce to Marxism in the region. It also examines how anticommunist positions shaped pastoral strategies, particularly in relation to social movements like liberation theology, and reinforced an episcopal identity centered on defending Christian values against a perceived global ideological threat. This analysis highlights the Church’s internal tensions and contradictions and the broader impact of its anticommunist stance on Latin America’s sociopolitical and religious dynamics in the twentieth century.