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Everyday Arab Identity
Whether through government propaganda or popular transnational satellite television channels, Arab citizens encounter a discourse that reinforces a sense of belonging to their own state and a broader Arab world on a daily basis. Looking through the lens of nationalism theory, this book examines how and why Arab identity continues to be reproduced in today's Middle East, and how that Arab identity interacts with strengthening ties to religion and the state.
Drawing on case studies of two ideologically different Arab regimes, Syria and Jordan, Christopher Phillips explores both the implications this everyday Arab identity will have on western policy towards the Middle East and its real life impact on international relations.
Offering an original perspective on this topical issue, this book will be of interest to academics and practitioners working on the Arab world and political affairs, as well as students of International Relations, Political Science and the Middle East, notably Syria and Jordan, and policymakers in the region.
eBook
Neo-pan-Arabism: a renewed contract of legitimacy in the Maghreb
After various setbacks, the latest being the Arab uprisings of 2011, pan-Arabism has made a return starting in the second decade of the 21st century, but in the shape of neo-pan-Arabism. Thus, neo-pan-Arabism would appear to be the legitimate heir of pan-Arabism. Unlike the former, however, it does not appear to be an ideology, but rather a mere tool of Arab regimes to legitimise their control over their populations. Neo-pan-Arabism, then, seems to be a populist rhetoric, with limited action on the ground and aimed primarily at domestic audiences. The cases of Algeria and Tunisia – two countries outside the traditional pan-Arab nucleus –, presented through the actions and words of their respective leaders, illustrate how regimes are using neo-pan-Arabism for their domestic legitimation.
Journal Article
Imagining the Arabs
Investigating the core questions about Arab identity and history, this book tackles the time-honoured stereotypes that depict Arabs as ancient Arabian Bedouin, and reveals the stories to be a myth: tales told by Muslims to recreate the past to explain the meaning of Islam and its origins.
eBook
Envisioning Turco-Arab Co-Existence between Empire and Nationalism
Abstract
The idea of a continued Turco-Arab co-existence under the Ottoman Sultanate might appear counterfactual or marginal - if not nostalgic - from the sober vantage of knowing \"the end of history\". The Ottoman Empire neither survived the Great War nor made way for a multinational co-existence of Turks and Arabs. For contemporaries, however, different models of federalism and multinationalism offered solutions to save the Ottoman Empire and safeguard Turco-Arab co-existence. While the federalist ideas of Ottoman Arabs are far better known in the academic literature, in regards to Ottoman Turks, the commonplace interpretations follow the teleology of the Turkish nation-state formation. In order to correct this misperception, I will illustrate the existence of corresponding Turkish voices and visions of federalism and multinationalism. Envisioning Turco-Arab co-existence was a serious feature of policy debates, especially in the years of crisis from the Balkan Wars to the settlement of post-Ottoman nation-states in the aftermath of the First World War.
Journal Article
Conciliatory, yet Oppressive: the Kurdish Issue in Syria through the Eyes of Ba'thists from Party Foundation to the 8 March Revolution
This paper aims to shed light on the ideological premises and political activities of the Arab Socialist Ba'th Party toward the Kurds before its rise to power in Syria. To start with, the study will retrace the evolution of the Kurdish political movements and their initial interactions with Arab nationalists. Then, it will provide a detailed analysis of the Ba'thist theoretical framework, indicating that, in the early phase of its history, the party did not completely perceive the Kurdish issue as an existential threat to its goals. In addition, the research assumes that 'Aflaq's \"conciliatory\" vision began to weaken with the establishment of the United Arab Republic, which caused a radical reshuffling between Arab and Kurd relations. In particular, two dynamics will be investigated: the first one is related to the shift in ideological approach toward the minority issue in Ba'thist literature during the 1950s; the second one focuses on the change in perspective caused by the United Arab Republic and 8 March Revolution.
Journal Article
Arab Nationalism(s): Rise and Decline of an Ideology
When speaking about Arab nationalism, at least three phenomena, only partially distinct from one another, must be identified: Arabism, Pan-Arabism and Nationalisms on a local basis.
The first is Arabism (ʿurūbah, being Arab) in the sense of belonging to the same world, in a single context from Morocco to Iraq, that emerged in Egypt and Near East in the last decades of the xix century. From this cultural awareness of an Arab identity, the Pan-Arabism (qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah) developed in the interwars period, but especially after the Second World War. Finally, with the acquired national Arab independences, Nationalism emerged on a local basis, and took the name of waṭaniyyah.
The debate has never closed and all the major questions are still open: if an Arab nation (and therefore an Arab nationalism) has ever existed; if we can talk about a Pan-Arab nationalism once local based nationalisms emerged; which are the ideological principles of Arab Nationalism that are not uncritically assimilated from outside; finally, how and why the nationalistic ideologies have suffered an heavy crisis in front of the impressive rise of contemporary radical Islamism after the Seventies.
Finally, if the figure of the global jihadist, not tied to this or that national cause but fighting anywhere you have to fight a ǧihād in the way of God, is the antithesis of the militant of nationalistic movements, for his absolute disregard for any cause that can be defined national. The goal is the creation of an Islamic State, no matter how utopian this project is, not based on the concept of nation but on that of ummah. It's the phase of the \"après panarabisme\": the myth of cohesion from the Gulf to the Atlantic no longer enchants Arab people and Arab States, and the era of Nasser and the Ba'athist dream has finally ended.
Journal Article
CODERA Y ZAIDÍN, Francisco. 1892. Elementos de Gramática Árabe para uso de los alumnos de D. F. C. y Z. Madrid, 111 págs. inédita
Presentamos la segunda edición inédita de los Elementos de Gramática que Codera y Zaydín había escrito en 1892. Una primera edición vio la luz en 1886. La exposición de los contenidos sigue a los de la Grammairede Silvestre de Sacy (1810), referente de las gramáticas de árabe en Europa a partir de su publicación, que lo fue también para la de Moreno Nieto (1872).
Journal Article
State formation in the Mashrek region. Historical narratives of state-building and national history since the Sykes-Picot Agreement
This article aims at exploring the simultaneous state-building and nationbuilding process in the Arab Mashrek region after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. Historical narratives profoundly changed at the time of the emergence of the modern nation-state system, which was alien in a region where the premier element of ideology was religion. The nineteenth-century Nahda introduced a vibrant intellectual life to the region and marked the beginning of the so -called liberal era. Whereas in the first half of the twentieth century the region witnessed the birth of modern professional historiography, which (particularly in the case of Egypt) led to scientific enquiry based on national archives, the second half would see the radical phase of Arab nationalism produce a rather different historical narrative along socialist lines. However, the War of 1967, known also as the Setback (an-Naksah), challenged pan-Arabism, and regimes discouraged professional history writing about the conflict.
Journal Article
Not All Who Ascend Remain: Afro-Asian Jewish Returnees from Israel
In the wake of Israeli Black Panther activism in the mid-1970s, the Arab League invited Mizrahi (Afro-Asian) Jews, especially those in Israel, to return to their homeland. Some Israelis used the invitation as an opportunity to highlight the extent of anti-Mizrahi discrimination by departing for the Arab world. Albeit small in number in comparison to those who left Israel for other destinations, those who repatriated made a huge impact on perceptions of Israeli emigres. Their importance rested not in their numbers but in the significant threat posed to the Israeli establishment. Afro-Asian Jewish repatriation sent a message that the Zionist project, particularly as the opposing nationalist movement to Pan-Arabism, was a failure.
Journal Article