Explore the vast range of titles available.

\"This new textbook introduces key mechanisms and issues in international conflict management, and engages students with a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach to mitigating, managing, and transforming international conflicts. The volume identifies key historical events and international agreements that have shaped and defined the field of international conflict management, as well as key dilemmas facing the field at this juncture. The first section provides an overview of key mechanisms for international conflict management, such as negotiation, mediation, nonviolent resistance, peacekeeping, peacebuilding, transitional justice, and reconciliation. The second section tackles important cross-cutting themes such as technology, religion, the economy, refugees and migration, and the role of civil society, examining how these issues contribute to international conflicts and how they can be leveraged to help address such conflicts. Each chapter includes a brief historical overview of the evolution of the issue or mechanism, identifies key theoretical and practical debates, and includes case studies, discussion questions, website links and suggested further reading for further study and engagement. By providing a mixture of theory and practical examples, this textbook provides students with the necessary background to navigate this interdisciplinary field. This volume will be of great interest to students of international conflict management, conflict resolution, peace studies and international relations in general\"-- Provided by publisher.

To date, the research community has failed to reach a consensus on the nature and significance of the relationship between climate variability and armed conflict. We argue that progress has been hampered by insufficient attention paid to the context in which droughts and other climatic extremesmay increase the risk of violent mobilization. Addressing this shortcoming, this study presents an actor-oriented analysis of the drought–conflict relationship, focusing specifically on politically relevant ethnic groups and their sensitivity to growing-season drought under various political and socioeconomic contexts. To this end, we draw on new conflict event data that cover Asia and Africa, 1989–2014, updated spatial ethnic settlement data, and remote sensing data on agricultural land use. Our procedure allows quantifying, for each ethnic group, drought conditions during the growing season of the locally dominant crop. A comprehensive set of multilevel mixed effects models that account for the groups’ livelihood, economic, and political vulnerabilities reveals that a drought under most conditions has little effect on the short-term risk that a group challenges the state by military means. However, for agriculturally dependent groups as well as politically excluded groups in very poor countries, a local drought is found to increase the likelihood of sustained violence. We interpret this as evidence of the reciprocal relationship between drought and conflict, whereby each phenomenon makes a group more vulnerable to the other.

Can science be a route to peace and common understanding? A glance at the history of one institution shows: only when scientists actively commit to it. Can science be a route to peace and common understanding? A glance at the history of one institution shows: only when scientists actively commit to it.

Anecdotal evidence from many armed conflicts suggests that religion incites violence. Theoretically speaking, several facets of religion can create motives and opportunities to overcome the collective action problems associated with organized violence. However, empirical research has hitherto found no conclusive answer on the extent to which religion is connected to armed conflict onset. Contributing to the filling of this gap, we use a new database that incorporates important religious factors that previous studies left largely untested. The data set covers 130 developing countries for the period 1990 to 2010. Results from logistic regressions confirm our expectation that certain religious factors fuel armed conflict—in particular, the overlap of religious and other identities, religious groups' grievances, and religious leaders' calls for violence. We also find that religious determinants vary in their impact according to whether conflicts are religious or not in origin.

Many women are affected by anxiety and depression after armed conflict in low-income and middle-income countries, yet few scalable options for their mental health care exist. We aimed to establish the effectiveness of a brief group psychological intervention for women in a conflict-affected setting in rural Swat, Pakistan. In a single-blind, cluster, randomised, controlled trial, 34 community clusters in two union councils of rural Swat, Pakistan, were randomised using block permutation at a 1:1 ratio to intervention (group intervention with five sessions incorporating behavioural strategies facilitated by non-specialists) or control (enhanced usual care) groups. Researchers responsible for identifying participants, obtaining consent, enrolment, and outcome assessments were masked to allocation. A community cluster was defined as neighbourhood of about 150 households covered by a lady health worker. Women aged 18–60 years who provided written informed consent, resided in the participating cluster catchment areas, scored at least 3 on the General Health Questionnaire-12, and at least 17 on the WHO Disability Assessment Schedule were recruited. The primary outcome, combined anxiety and depression symptoms, was measured 3 months after the intervention with the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS). Modified intention-to-treat analyses were done using mixed models adjusted for covariates and clusters defined a priori. The trial is registered with the Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry, number 12616000037404, and is now closed to new participants. From 34 eligible community clusters, 306 women in the intervention group and 306 women in the enhanced usual care (EUC) group were enrolled between Jan 11, 2016, and Aug 21, 2016, and the results of 288 (94%) of 306 women in the intervention group and 290 (95%) of 306 women in the EUC group were included in the primary endpoint analysis. At 3 months, women in the intervention group had significantly lower mean total scores on the HADS than women in the control group (10·01 [SD 7·54] vs 14·75 [8·11]; adjusted mean difference [AMD] −4·53, 95% CI −7·13 to −1·92; p=0·0007). Individual HADS anxiety scores were also significantly lower in the intervention group than in the control group (5·43 [SD 4·18] vs 8·02 [4·69]; AMD −2·52, 95% CI −4·04 to −1·01), as were depression scores (4·59 [3·87] vs 6·73 [3·91]; AMD −2·04, −3·19 to −0·88). No adverse events were reported in either group. Our group psychological intervention resulted in clinically significant reductions in anxiety and depressive symptoms at 3 months, and might be a feasible and effective option for women with psychological distress in rural post-conflict settings. WHO through a grant from the Office for Foreign Disaster Assistance.

A growing research field examines the conditions under which major nonviolent resistance campaigns—that is, popular nonviolent uprisings for regime or territorial change—are successful. Why these campaigns emerge in the first place is less well understood. We argue that extensive social networks that are economically interdependent with the state make strategic nonviolence more feasible. These networks are larger and more powerful in states whose economies rely upon organized labor. Global quantitative analysis of the onset of violent and nonviolent campaigns from 1960 to 2006 (NAVCO), and major protest events in Africa from 1990 to 2009 (SCAD) shows that the likelihood of nonviolent conflict onset increases with the proportion of manufacturing to gross domestic product. This study points to a link between modernization and social conflict, a link that has been often hypothesized, but, hitherto, unsupported by empirical studies.

The Islamic law of war and International Humanitarian law (IHL), both aim at preserving the human dignity of combatants and non-combatants by defining the parameters for the belligerent parties in the conduct of war. Armed non-state actors involved in conflict in recent years, however, negate this very principle of avoiding unnecessary suffering by targeting civilians and the most vulnerable segments of the society. Armed groups with Islamic inclination, at the same time attempt at gaining legitimacy using distorted religious interpretations. Yet practically their modus operandi is violating Islamic law of armed conflict creating a paradoxical situation. In order to examine concept of armed non-state actors in Islamic law on armed conflict and their conflicting attributes Al-Shaybani’s Al-Siyar Al-Kabir is discussed in detail. It provides guidance and rules addressing both internal and international matters on a similar pattern as in international law. Furthermore, challenges arisen from the activities of armed groups having Islamic affiliation and their possible solutions are also discussed. One plausible remedy for the puzzling standing of armed groups in non-international conflicts is to include them in interpretation and operationalization of laws governing their conduct in war. Islamic law of armed conflict can play a crucial role in bridging to gap between non-state actors claiming Islamic affiliation and international community.