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Since the end of World War II, protests against U.S. military base and related policies have occurred in several Asian host countries. How much influence have these protests had on the p;olicy regarding U.S. military bases? What conditions make protests more likely to influence policy?Protests Against U.S. Military Base Policy in Asia answers these questions by examining state response to twelve major protests in Asia since the end of World War II-in the Philippines, Okinawa, and South Korea. Yuko Kawato lays out the conditions under which protesters' normative arguments can and cannot persuade policy-makers to change base policy, and how protests can still generate some political or military incentives for policy-makers to adjust policy when persuasion fails. Kawato also shows that when policy-makers decide not to change policy, they can offer symbolic concessions to appear norm-abiding and to secure a smoother implementation of policies that protesters oppose. While the findings will be of considerable interest to academics and students, perhaps their largest impact will be on policy makers and activists, for whom Kawato offers recommendations for their future decision-making and actions.

Some of the United States' greatest challenges over the coming decades are likely to emanate from the Asia-Pacific region. China and India are rising and Militant Islam continues to take root in Pakistan, while nuclear proliferation threatens to continue in fits and starts. If America is to meet these challenges comprehensively, strategists will have to learn more about Asia, and Asian scholars, policymakers, and analysts will need to understand better the enduring and timeless principles of strategy. Based on the premise therefore that the increasing strategic weight of the Asia-Pacific region warrants greater attention from both scholars and practitioners alike, Strategy in Asia: The Past, Present, and Future of Regional Security aims to marry the fields of strategic studies and Asian studies in order to help academics and practitioners to begin addressing these challenges. The book uses the lenses of geography, culture, and economics to examine in depth the strategic context that Asia presents to the major nations of the region—including the U.S. as a Pacific nation—and the strategic scenarios that may well play out in the region in the near future. Specific attention is paid to Asia as a warfighting environment, and to the warfighting traditions and current postures of the major nations.

The nuclear test explosions in India and Pakistan in 1998, followed by the outbreak of hostilities over Kashmir in 1999, marked a frightening new turn in the ancient, bitter enmity between the two nations. Although the tension was eclipsed by the events of 9/11 and the subsequent American attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq, it has not disappeared, as evidenced by the 2001 attack in the Indian Parliament by Islamic fundamentalists out of Kashmir. By 2002, these two nuclear-armed neighbors seemed to be once again on the brink of war. This book outlines the strategic structure of the rivalry and the dynamic forces driving it, and investigates various possible solutions. The expert contributors focus on the India-Pakistan rivalry, but also consider the China factor in South Asia's nuclear security dilemma. Although essentially political-strategic in its approach, the book includes coverage of opposing military arsenals and the impact of local terrorism on the delicate balance of power.

Asia is experiencing major changes in its security relations. This book brings together respected experts to assess both the theoretical and empirical dimensions of the Asian security debate. Building on the latest research on Asia's regional security politics, it focuses on the 'regional-global nexus' as a way to understand the dynamics of Asian security politics and its intersection with global security. Contributors to the volume offer diverse but complementary perspectives on which issues and factors are most important in explaining how security politics in Asia can be interpreted at both the regional and global levels of analysis. Issues addressed include power balancing and alliances, governance and democracy, maritime and energy security, the relationship between economics and security, 'human security', terrorism, nuclear non-proliferation, climate change and pandemics. This work will serve as a standard reference on the evolution of key issues in Asian security.

In The Legality and Legitimacy of the Use of Force in Northeast Asia, Brendan Howe and Boris Kondoch offer a comprehensive evaluation of when it is right, from regional perspectives, to use force in international relations.

This book offers the most comprehensive analysis yet of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which remains the foremost dialogue forum for the promotion of cooperative security in the Asia-Pacific. Contributors focus on the perspectives and roles of the key players in the ARF – ASEAN, the United States, China, Japan, and Australia – and discuss to what extent these participants have shaped the Forum's institutional development and affected its achievements and prospects against the backdrop of the evolving regional security architecture. They also examine in depth how participants have used the Forum to respond to a range of important transnational security issues and challenges, including terrorism and maritime security, as well as disaster relief. This work also explores how, despite the difficulties in reaching a new consensus regarding the collective pursuit of preventive diplomacy, some activist participants have succeeded in bringing about a notable, albeit incipient, 'practical turn' in the ARF’s security cooperation. This book will appeal to students of South-East Asian Politics, Asian Security Studies and International Relations in general. Jürgen Haacke is Senior Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science. He is the author of ASEAN’s Diplomatic and Security Culture: Origins, Development and Prospects (2003) and Myanmar’s Foreign Policy: Domestic Influences and International Implications (2006). Noel M. Morada is Professor of Political Science at the University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City. His publications and research interests focus on ASEAN, the ARF, the responsibility to protect (R2P), and human development and human security issues in Southeast Asia. 1. The ASEAN Regional Forum and Cooperative Security: Introduction Jürgen Haacke and Noel M. Morada 2. The ASEAN Regional Forum: Origins and Evolution Noel M. Morada 3. The United States and the ASEAN Regional Forum: A Delicate Balancing Act Brad Glosserman 4. China’s Membership of the ARF and the Emergence of an East Asian Diplomatic and Security Culture Christopher R. Hughes 5. Japan and the ASEAN Regional Forum: From Enthusiasm to Disappointment Takeshi Yuzawa 6. Australia-Japan-U.S. Trilateral Strategic Dialogue and the ARF: Extended Bilateralism or A New Minilateral Option? Kuniko Ashizawa 7. The Accidental Driver: ASEAN in the ARF Rizal Sukma 8. The ASEAN Regional Forum and Transnational Challenges: Little Collective Securitization, Some Practical Cooperation Jürgen Haacke 9. The ASEAN Regional Forum and Counter-Terrorism Noel M. Morada 10. Maritime Security and the ARF: Why the Focus on Dialogue Rather than Action? JN Mak 11. Securitisation Practices in Indonesia and the Philippines and their Impact on the Management of Security Challenges in ASEAN and the ARF David A. Boyd and Jörn Dosch 12. The ARF and Cooperative Security: More of the Same? Jürgen Haacke and Noel M. Morada ' It is full of empirical detail and sophisticated analysis of the complex security environment of the Asia-Pacific region. The book’s main strength is its readability: jargon expressions are explained well and the authors make the effort to ensure that their main points are understood. The ordering of the chapters also allows people without a background on the ARF to understand the context around which the discussions in the more complex chapters revolve ... the book is an outstanding addition to the literature on the ARF and security co-operation' - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies (ASEAS), 3 (2) 2010, 290-291

This title was first published in 2003:Using extensive case studies of the nuclear weapons programmes of India, Pakistan, Israel, Iraq, Iran, Egypt and Syria, this important work shows that a higher than normal probability of war in protracted conflict regions, prompts states to search for credible deterrents such as nuclear weapons. The book rigorously examines the factors that affect the pace of this proliferation such as regional power structures and geographical proximity, and challenges many prevailing theories on proliferation. This compelling text convincingly argues that simple conflict relationships are not sufficient for countries to go nuclear, thus providing insight into the true complexity of the issue. Explaining the similarities and differences between the nuclear policies of states in protracted conflict regions, the book commands the attention of anyone interested in nuclear proliferation and regional conflict. Contents: Introduction. Theory: The state of scholarship on nuclear proliferation; Understanding nuclear proliferation; Non-traditional nuclear deterrence among protracted conflict adversaries. Case Studies: The South Asian Protracted Conflicts: The Indian nuclear weapons acquisition; Pakistan’s search for nuclear deterrence; Non-traditional nuclear deterrence in the India-Pakistan protracted conflict; India’s deterrent needs and the Sino-Indian protracted conflict. Case Studies: Middle East: The Arab-Israeli Protracted Conflict: Israel’s opaque nuclear weapons; Proliferation propensities in the Arab states; Arab-Israeli protracted conflict and non-traditional nuclear deterrence; Conclusion; Bibliography; Index. ’One of the first books that links nuclear proliferation with protracted conflicts. The book provides an excellent empirical analysis of the nuclear choices of new nuclear states, India and Pakistan. A must read for all interested in nuclear proliferation, protracted conflicts and South Asian security. The conclusions have wide implications for international relations theory and foreign policy.’ Professor T.V. Paul, McGill University, Canada Ph.D. in Political Science, McGill University, Montreal, 1999 M.A. in Political Science, McGill University, Montreal 1992 Adjunct Faculty, Department of Political Science, Concordia University, Montreal (1999-2000). Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Dhaka University, (1988-90).

The period between the two world wars of the twentieth century was one of the most challenging in the history of war. In anticipation of another conflict, military planners and civilian thinkers struggled after 1918 with the painful implications of World War I. Given its scope, the wholesale mobilisation of civilian populations and the targets of civilians via blockades and strategic bombing, many observers regarded this titanic conflict as a 'total war'. They also concluded that any future conflict would bear the same hallmarks; and they planned accordingly. The essays in this collection, the fourth in a series on the problem of total war, examine the inter-war period. They explore the consequences of World War I, the intellectual efforts to analyse this conflict's military significance, the attempts to plan for another general war and several episodes in the 1930s that portended the war that erupted in 1939.

Discussions at the second East Asia Summit in Cebu revealed a mixture of regional and international concerns. Although no clear focus was evident, the talks indicated the unconscious adoption of an increasingly broad security framework. This is a reflection of a growing debate on the very concept of security, going beyond the traditional narrow focus on military and defence issues. Comprehensive security provides a framework more attuned to modern day requirements. It brings to the fore the concept of human security, which focuses on the economic and social well-being of people and communities. Acceptance of such a framework requires a certain amount of normative commitment from prospective East Asian Community member states.

The US continues to enjoy comprehensive power-political advantages that few of its current and emerging competitors, even with their undimensional capabilities in disruptive technologies, can hope to match. Used wisely, these resources can douse the \"fire in the East\" and preserve US preeminence there--an outcome that wins on strategic points and utilitarian ones as well.