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Though often defined as having opposite aims, means, and effects, modernism and modern propaganda developed at the same time and influenced each other in surprising ways. The professional propagandist emerged as one kind of information specialist, the modernist writer as another. Britain was particularly important to this double history. By secretly hiring well-known writers and intellectuals to write for the government and by exploiting their control of new global information systems, the British in World War I invented a new template for the manipulation of information that remains with us to this day. Making a persuasive case for the importance of understanding modernism in the context of the history of modern propaganda, Modernism, Media, and Propaganda also helps explain the origins of today's highly propagandized world. Modernism, Media, and Propaganda integrates new archival research with fresh interpretations of British fiction and film to provide a comprehensive cultural history of the relationship between modernism and propaganda in Britain during the first half of the twentieth century. From works by Joseph Conrad to propaganda films by Alfred Hitchcock and Orson Welles, Mark Wollaeger traces the transition from literary to cinematic propaganda while offering compelling close readings of major fiction by Virginia Woolf, Ford Madox Ford, and James Joyce.

Las fake news han sido utilizadas por los grandes poderes políticos desde el comienzo de la Historia. Un ejemplo muy sonado fueron las noticias relacionadas con las atrocidades cometidas por el bando alemán durante la Primera Guerra Mundial, utilizadas por el bando aliado como propaganda para convencer a la opinión pública y los países neutrales (sobre todo, Estados Unidos) de la necesidad de la guerra. Aunque España declaró su neutralidad ante el conflicto, la población se dividió en dos bloques que simpatizaban con uno u otro bando: aliadófilos y germanófilos. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la representatividad de las historias de atrocidades alemanas en el diario español ABC, acusado de defender al bando alemán, aunque oficialmente fue declarado neutralista.

In the early 1920s, Germany orchestrated an international propaganda campaign against colonial French troops stationed in the Rhineland that used the racist epithet \"black horror on the Rhine\" and focused on claims of widespread sexual violence against innocent Rhenish maidens by African French soldiers, in order to discredit the Versailles Treaty. I argue that black horror propaganda fused elements of Allied propaganda—especially images of the barbaric \"Hun\"—with Germany's own wartime propaganda against colonial Allied troops. I use the significant film against colonial soldiers, Die schwarze Schmach (The Black Shame, 1921), to highlight the tensions and pitfalls of the German propagandistic strategy. As the debates over the film illustrate, black horror propaganda often had the effect of reminding audiences of German war crimes rather than diverting attention away from them. The ultimate ban of Die schwarze Schmach demonstrates the complex political nature of the 1920s backlash against atrocity propaganda.

Ty Cobb is said to have been \"the best baseball player of all time.\" For nearly a century, his extraordinary ability has been overshadowed by his reputation as arguably the sport's nastiest player. Now, Charles Leerhsen's book Ty Cobb: A Terrible Beauty takes another look, and finds a man who, though a fierce competitor, was not the ogre commonly pictured. The book deserves a review in its own right, but we have seen a broader significance that points to a perennial problem that is more than ever present today. The question of \"Whom are we to believe?\" comes up with regard to a great many things we think we know or are given to believe. This article will rather randomly introduce (though not attempt to resolve) several such issues. Readers will find each interesting, important and provocative in its own right; but each is offered here because cumulatively they illustrate the extent to which we live behind a mental veil. A miasma of untruths, questionable truisms, partisan judgments, and pregnant silences points to an epistemological quandary that clouds our apprehension of reality.

The book description for \"Foreign Influences in American Life\" is currently unavailable.

The present situation urgently calls for the multifaceted studies of Russophone literature against war. The authors of the following essays develop their inquiry through the following questions: How does the relationship with the notion of the enemy shape the war poetry of Boris Slutskii and Ian Satunovskii? To what extent can the war poetry of the latter be seen as a matrix of his biographic narrative construction, especially considering that Satunovskii's lyrical subject is shattered, stuttering, de-language/d? How does today's popular poetry of protest differ from today's avant-garde poetics? What are the differences between their means of expression, address, and foci? All of these studies seek to explore the anti-war position in modernist poetry that has been developed through drastically different means, yet the general purpose is aptly formulated by one of our authors as “to bear witness and respond to the ongoing atrocities and destruction.”

Why do citizens elect political actors who have perpetrated violence against the civilian population? Despite their use of atrocities, political parties with deep roots in the belligerent organizations of the past win postwar democratic elections in countries around the world. This article uses new, cross-national data on postwar elections globally between 1970 and 2010, as well as voting, survey, archival, and interview data from El Salvador. It finds that belligerents’ varied electoral success after wars can be explained not by their wartime levels of violence or use of electoral coercion, but by the distribution of military power at the end of conflict. It argues that militarily stronger belligerents are able to claim credit for peace, which translates into a reputation for competence on the provision of security. This enables them to own the security valence issue, which tends to crosscut cleavages, and to appeal to swing voters. The stronger belligerents’ provision of security serves to offset and justify their use of atrocities, rendering their election rational. This article sheds light on political life after episodes of violence. It also contributes to understanding security voting and offers insights into why people vote in seemingly counterintuitive ways.

According to many accounts, propaganda is a variety of politically significant signal with a distinctive connection to irrationality. This irrationality may be theoretical, or practical; it may be supposed that propaganda characteristically elicits this irrationality anew, or else that it exploits its prior existence. The view that encompasses such accounts we will call irrationalism. This essay presents two classes of propaganda that do not bear the sort of connection to irrationality posited by the irrationalist: hard propaganda and propaganda by the deed. Faced with these counterexamples, some irrationalists will offer their account of propaganda as a refinement of the folk concept rather than as an attempt to capture all of its applications. The author argues that any refinement of the concept of propaganda must allow the concept to remain essentially political, and that the irrationalist refinement fails to meet this condition.

Jeffrey Herf, a leading scholar in the field, offers the most extensive examination to date of Nazi propaganda activities targeting Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East during World War II and the Holocaust. He draws extensively on previously unused and little-known archival resources, including the shocking transcriptions of the \"Axis Broadcasts in Arabic\" radio programs, which convey a strongly anti-Semitic message. Herf explores the intellectual, political, and cultural context in which German and European radical anti-Semitism was found to resonate with similar views rooted in a selective appropriation of the traditions of Islam. Pro-Nazi Arab exiles in wartime Berlin, including Haj el-Husseini and Rashid el-Kilani, collaborated with the Nazis in constructing their Middle East propaganda campaign. By integrating the political and military history of the war in the Middle East with the intellectual and cultural dimensions of the propagandistic diffusion of Nazi ideology, Herf offers the most thorough examination to date of this important chapter in the history of World War II. Importantly, he also shows how the anti-Semitism promoted by the Nazi propaganda effort contributed to the anti-Semitism exhibited by adherents of radical forms of Islam in the Middle East today.

Despite extensive scholarship on colonial propaganda, the use of postage stamps as tools of imperial messaging remains underexplored. This study aims to examine how Belgium employed postage stamps to construct and disseminate propagandistic narratives about its African colony, the Belgian Congo. Using quantitative content analysis, the research analyses a corpus of 149 stamps issued between 1894 and 1960, tracing how visual themes evolved across different phases of colonisation. The results indicate that Belgium adapted its messages throughout the different phases of colonisation, from the exoticism of the landscape and the primitivism of the native person, to highlighting the supposed civilising benefits. The native person appears on postage stamps as being preferably male, vulnerable and dependent, exotic in his semi-nudity, who must be cared for like a child, but at the same time useful to the metropolis as a labour force. Analysing the general vision that the Belgian metropolis wants to show of itself through postage stamps, two-thirds of the stamps show neutrality or that the native person lives in freedom, as if colonisation did not exist, thanks to the profusion of images of animals, plants and landscapes, or to showing the native people carrying out their ancestral activities. This study may be of interest in the fields of the history of Belgian colonialism, communication, political propaganda, and the representation of the other, whether ethnically or culturally different. To this end, it uses postage stamps issued for the Belgian Congo as historical documentary sources, implying a novel approach, not only in the type of source chosen, but also in the method used to extract data from them..