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Journeys Into Madness
At the turn of the century, Sigmund Freud's investigation of the mind represented a particular journey into mental illness, but it was not the only exploration of this 'territory' in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Sanatoriums were the new tourism destinations, psychiatrists were collecting art works produced by patients and writers were developing innovative literary techniques to convey a character's interior life. This collection of essays uses the framework of journeys in order to highlight the diverse artistic, cultural and medical responses to a peculiarly Viennese anxiety about the madness of modern times. The travellers of these journeys vary from patients to doctors, artists to writers, architects to composers and royalty to tourists; in engaging with their histories, the contributors reveal the different ways in which madness was experienced and represented in 'Vienna 1900'.
eBook
Liberalism and the Habsburg monarchy, 1861-1895
\"Often the liberal movement has been viewed through the lens of its later German nationalism. This presents only one facet of a wide-ranging, all-encompassing project to regenerate the Habsburg Monarchy. By analysing its various nuances, this volume provides a new, more positive interpretation of Austro-German liberalism. In the 1860s the liberals fought for their core concepts of liberal principles, Austrian state patriotism and German nationalism. Their convictions and actions put in place the framework for modern politics in the Habsburg Monarchy - the constitution, parliaments, and a free press. Only gradually over time did German nationalism begin to dominate within the movement. By tracing the interaction of the core concepts and placing the movement within its historical context, Jonathan Kwan presents a balanced assessment of an oft-neglected, much criticized but highly significant political movement\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
How to Break a State
The Habsburg Empire’s final years and its experience in the First World War have traditionally been a story of dysfunction and national disintegration. This article, by contrast, stresses that the prewar Habsburg state was far from dysfunctional and in many ways approximated its other nineteenth-century constitutionalist counterparts within Europe and across the world. Yet the war and the stresses surrounding it, especially along the seam of civil-military relations, tore that constitutionalist state apart as the Habsburg Army declared its own internal war against the Habsburg civilian state. The army focused its ire on the rule of law within that state, which it viewed as contributing to the state’s weaknesses, and ultimately its initial failures, in the first year and a half of the war. Thus, the Habsburg Empire descended into a state of exception as the army took advantage of an array of legal tools designed to accompany initial mobilizations to make deep and lasting incursions into the practice of managing civilians. These incursions caused widespread dismay among broad sections of the Habsburg populace, while simultaneously undermining the practices and procedures of the Habsburg administration. Yet in plunging into a state of legal exception, the Habsburg Empire was hardly an anomaly in the twentieth century. Rather, it was a harbinger of what was to come as the nineteenth-century constitutionalist state came under assault in emergency situations in Europe during the First World War and beyond.
Journal Article
The Hungarian Royal Gendarmerie and Political Violence in “Happy Peaceful Times” (1881-1914)
This article deals with the social-political tensions in late Habsburg Hungary by exploring the coercive conduct of the Hungarian Royal Gendarmerie from its creation in 1881 up to the First World War. Through an analysis of narrative and statistical primary sources, the paper shows how the gendarmerie protected the dualist system from the perceived threats of nationalist and labour movements. It attempts to establish the situations in which the gendarmes resorted to physical aggression, how its dynamic changed over time, and the regions where the levels of force exercised by the gendarmerie were higher. Altogether, it argues that widespread physical violence was a central feature of social-political conflicts in pre-WW1 Hungary, with the gendarmes playing a crucial role.
Journal Article
Die Auswanderungsaffäre von 1913/14, oder: Kapeller im Kriminal
History of migration has recently focussed less on socio-economic preconditions or macro structures but on the agency of those involved in migratory processes. Thereby migrants have become a focus for research, while the people who enabled their movement have received not the same attention. By analysing a family network of migration agents spread-out in various parts of the Habsburg Empire, this paper brings together the micro and macro perspectives of overseas migration from and via Central Europe. The paper investigates the years preceding the First World War when emigration from Austria-Hungary and those involved became the object of scandal. The imperial War Ministry and several newspapers attacked a newcomer to the transatlantic migration business, the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, and several hundred migration agents for illegally enhancing the emigration of Austro-Hungarian men who had not yet fulfilled their military service. The scholarly investigation of this scandal shows, however, that while emigration services might indeed have operated on the margins of legality, the interests of several other actors were at stake. Based on a close reading of Habsburg and British newspapers as well as administrative and judiciary documents from Vienna, L’viv and Chernivtsi archives, this paper sketches out the different layers of an entangled history. These entanglements included divergent interests and corruption among ministries in Austria-Hungary, political animosities in the Habsburg province of Galicia, competing international steamship trusts, settlement policies for Canada’s sparsely populated territories, and diplomatic and public resentment in the British Empire over the alleged unfair treatment of a Canadian company abroad.
Journal Article
Beyond (Ethno)linguistic Determinism: Diverse Approaches to Nationalism in Habsburg-Austrian Schools
Research on the nexus between education and nationalism in the Habsburg Empire has often focused on the role that language may have played in top-down nationalization processes and the popular dissemination of national thought. According to contemporary nationalist logic, undergoing education in a certain language of instruction also entailed the internalization of nationalist values inherent to its corresponding nationalist movement. The present article argues that the Habsburg educational experience was much more contingent, and draws attention to the diversity of pedagogical approaches towards nationalism and nationality that could be encountered in Austrian schools during the last five decades of Habsburg rule. By using examples from German- and Slovene-language textbooks, it shows that sociopolitical, temporal, as well as institutional factors played an important role in determining the practical values and attitudes towards the nationalism that students encountered during their school years. With systematic empirical studies remaining rare, further research will be necessary to gain a fuller insight into the complexities of the Habsburg education system and its potential effects on popular collective identity formation.
Journal Article
Die diplomatischen Beziehungen Österreich-Ungarns zu Sowjetrussland, 1917–1918
The article examines Austro-Hungarian policy towards Soviet Russia between 1917 and 1918 in the context of internal social strife and the Austro-Hungarian priorities vis-á-vis Germany and Ukraine. It, thus, shifts the perspective onto the truce and peace talks at Brest-Litovsk to examine the position and interests of the empire among the Central Powers that usually takes a backseat in research on World War I. While both Germany and Austria-Hungary did count on peace in the East, their separate interests and abilities to promote these interests were quite different. Contrary to traditional views onto the Central Powers, Austria-Hungary played its own game where its goals were not forever bound to Germany. While Germany was willing to put pressure on Soviet Russia from time to time, Austria-Hungary was more careful. For one, it was concerned about domestic public opinion and, in contrast to Germany, also did not make any territorial claims towards Bolshevik Russia. Austro-Hungarian negotiators instead focused on concurrent peace talks with newly independent Ukraine. As the author shows, their main goal was precisely peace with the Ukraine as Vienna hoped it would bring grain deliveries to the starving people of the Habsburg Monarchy. The article also goes beyond traditional considerations of Brest-Litovsk by examining Austro-Hungarian policy towards Soviet Russia and Ukraine in the spring and summer of 1918. It emerges that Vienna was more actively engaged with Ukraine where the hopes of massive deliveries of local crops etc. were fading only slowly, whereas in regards to Petrograd/Moscow it rather adjusted its position to the evolving dynamics of the talks and the situation at home.
Journal Article
Die diplomatischen Beziehungen Österreich-Ungarns zu Sowjetrussland, 1917–1918
The article examines Austro-Hungarian policy towards Soviet Russia between 1917 and 1918 in the context of internal social strife and the Austro-Hungarian priorities vis-á-vis Germany and Ukraine. It, thus, shifts the perspective onto the truce and peace talks at Brest-Litovsk to examine the position and interests of the empire among the Central Powers that usually takes a backseat in research on World War I. While both Germany and Austria-Hungary did count on peace in the East, their separate interests and abilities to promote these interests were quite different. Contrary to traditional views onto the Central Powers, Austria-Hungary played its own game where its goals were not forever bound to Germany. While Germany was willing to put pressure on Soviet Russia from time to time, Austria-Hungary was more careful. For one, it was concerned about domestic public opinion and, in contrast to Germany, also did not make any territorial claims towards Bolshevik Russia. Austro-Hungarian negotiators instead focused on concurrent peace talks with newly independent Ukraine. As the author shows, their main goal was precisely peace with the Ukraine as Vienna hoped it would bring grain deliveries to the starving people of the Habsburg Monarchy. The article also goes beyond traditional considerations of Brest-Litovsk by examining Austro-Hungarian policy towards Soviet Russia and Ukraine in the spring and summer of 1918. It emerges that Vienna was more actively engaged with Ukraine where the hopes of massive deliveries of local crops etc. were fading only slowly, whereas in regards to Petrograd/Moscow it rather adjusted its position to the evolving dynamics of the talks and the situation at home.
Journal Article