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\" Myths of Empire offers the best-developed theory to date of the domestic sources of international conflict and security policy... Snyder has taken a major step toward ending the theoretical impoverishment of the study of the domestic sources of international conflict.\" ― American Political Science Review Overextension is the common pitfall of empires. Why does it occur? What are the forces that cause the great powers of the industrial era to pursue aggressive foreign policies? Jack Snyder identifies recurrent myths of empire, describes the varieties of overextension to which they lead, and criticizes the traditional explanations offered by historians and political scientists. He tests three competing theories-realism, misperception, and domestic coalition politics-against five detailed case studies: early twentieth-century Germany, Japan in the interwar period, Great Britain in the Victorian era, the Soviet Union after World War II, and the United States during the Cold War. The Resulting insights run counter to much that has been written about these apparently familiar instances of empire building. Overextension is the common pitfall of empires. Why does it occur? What are the forces that cause the great powers of the industrial era to pursue aggressive foreign policies? Jack Snyder identifies recurrent myths of empire, describes the varieties of overextension to which they lead, and criticizes the traditional explanations offered by historians and political scientists.He tests three competing theories-realism, misperception, and domestic coalition politics-against five detailed case studies: early twentieth-century Germany, Japan in the interwar period, Great Britain in the Victorian era, the Soviet Union after World War II, and the United States during the Cold War. The resulting insights run counter to much that has been written about these apparently familiar instances of empire building.

The concept of an autarky has a long history and meaning related to its negation and unpopularity. In liberal schools of economics, autarky is usually considered from the perspectives of economic trade protectionism, closed economies, and threats to welfare. Nevertheless, the concept of autarky has gained a new meaning, understood as the local utilization of renewable energy resources from the perspective of their inter- and intragenerational distribution. Local action is shaped by the global perspective. This research consists of three steps. First, a model of energy autarky has been offered based on the system theory. The model shows the variety of the structures and features of energy systems offered in today’s debates on energy autarky. Second, the key postulates of sustainable development have been presented to define an autarkical sustainable energy system. Finally, the concept of bioenergy villages in Germany has been presented to illustrate the approach to energy autarky. The research shows that the concept of autarky and single solutions, such as the use of renewable resources, are not themselves a success from the perspective of sustainable development; this misunderstanding is well illustrated by the evolution of the German concept of bioenergy villages into smart villages.

The significant expansion of renewable energies has led to an increased importance of storage systems. Decentralized storage solutions, including Home Battery Energy Storage Systems (HBESSs) and District Battery Energy Storage Systems (DBESSs), play a crucial role in this context. This study compares individual HBESSs with a community-used DBESS regarding the grade of autarky and self-consumption, specifically focusing on a planned residential area consisting of 36 single-family houses. A simulation tool was developed to conduct load flow simulations based on household electricity consumption, wallbox profiles for electric vehicle charging, and photovoltaic generation data across various battery capacities and system boundaries. The results demonstrate that the DBESS, compared to individual HBESSs with equivalent cumulative battery capacities, can achieve a maximum increase in the grade of autarky of up to 11.6%, alongside an 8.0% increase in the grade of self-consumption for the given use case. In terms of capacity, the DBESS allows for a saving of up to 68% compared to HBESS to achieve similar results for the studied neighborhood.

The behavior and reactions of prosumers play a key role in the development of sustainable energy and green transformation, as it is the result of their individual decisions that determines the scope of use of renewable energy sources. For these reasons, the main goal of this article is to determine whether and to what extent autarky influenced prosumers’ decisions about the use of solar energy in households, and which promotional channels play the most important role in these decisions. An assessment of the role of autarky and promotion from the prosumer perspective on the photovoltaics market is carried out on the example of Poland as a developing economy, based on the dominant share of coal in energy production. The implementation of this goal will enable recognition and better understanding of prosumers’ intentions and attitudes, and thus more effective stimulation of the green transformation. Surveys in this area were carried out on a representative sample of 754 Polish prosumers, and were analyzed using descriptive statistics and non-parametric statistical tests. The obtained results demonstrate a strong need for energy independence among prosumers (50%) and confirm the role of this motive in the green transformation process. Respondents consider the Internet (a score of 3.8793 on a 5-point suitability scale) and information from companies installing photovoltaic installations (a score of 3.6645 on a 5-point suitability scale) to be the most effective sources of promoting photovoltaics. The example and opinion of family and friends are also important to them. Government campaigns (a score of 2.8647 on a 5-point suitability scale), television and the press play a much smaller role in the popularization of solar energy. Respondents, therefore, prefer numerous and dispersed marketing sources, that allow them to confront and verify the information obtained.

This paper aims to analyse the techno-nationalist development of the Turkish defence industry over the past twenty years (2003-2023), by using various sources such as the Military Balance+ and the arms transfer databases of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). It argues that, thanks to government efforts and different factors (geopolitical challenges, increasing security threats, sanctions and exports boom), Türkiyes level of self-sufficiency has increased, although it continues to rely on imports of high value-added technology. Despite the challenges, this technology is still largely procured from its Western allies. The paper highlights that techno-nationalism has gained prominence in politics and facilitates the expression of national pride (boosted by the latest defence industry achievements, particularly in the drone industry) not only during the electoral campaigns, but also during the so-called Teknofests, which link these successes to the government.

When the leader of an autocratic regime loses power, one of three things happens. The incumbent leadership group is replaced by democratically elected leaders. Someone from the incumbent leadership group replaces him, and the regime persists. Or the incumbent leadership group loses control to a different group that replaces it with a new autocracy. Much scholarship exists on the first kind of transition, but little on transitions from one autocracy to another, though they make up about half of all regime changes. We introduce a new data set that facilitates the investigation of all three kinds of transition. It provides transition information for the 280 autocratic regimes in existence from 1946 to 2010. The data identify how regimes exit power, how much violence occurs during transitions, and whether the regimes that precede and succeed them are autocratic. We explain the data set and show how it differs from currently available data. The new data identify autocratic regime breakdowns regardless of whether the country democratizes, which makes possible the investigation of why the ouster of dictators sometimes leads to democracy but often does not, and many other questions. We present a number of examples to highlight how the new data can be used to explore questions about why dictators start wars and why autocratic breakdown sometimes results in the establishment of a new autocratic regime rather than democratization. We discuss the implications of these findings for the Arab Spring.

For autocrats facing elections, officers in the internal security apparatus play a crucial role by engaging in coercion on behalf of the incumbent. Yet reliance on these officers introduces a principal-agent problem: Officers can shirk from the autocrat's demands. To solve this problem, autocrats strategically post officers to different areas based on an area's importance to the election and the expected loyalty of an individual officer, which is a function of the officer's expected benefits from the president winning reelection. Using a data set of 8,000 local security appointments within Kenya in the 1990s, one of the first of its kind for any autocracy, I find that the president's coethnic officers were sent to, and the opposition's coethnic officers were kept away from, swing areas. This article demonstrates how state institutions from a country's previous authoritarian regime can persist despite the introduction of multi-party elections and thus prevent full democratization.

This article argues for a radical recasting of the European Union democratic deficit debate. Critics have long argued that the EU suffers from a democratic deficit and that growing EU power undermines national democracy. But recent backsliding on democracy and the rule of law in Hungary and Poland reminds us that grave democratic deficits can also exist at the national level in member states and that the EU may have a role in addressing them. This article will place the EU’s struggles with democratic deficits in its member states in comparative perspective, drawing on the experience of other democracies that have struggled with pockets of subnational authoritarianism. Comparative analysis suggests that considerations driven by partisan politics may allow local pockets of autocracy to persist within otherwise democratic political unions.

In the aftermath of civil war, Spain witnessed a period known as the ‘Years of Hunger’, which would extend throughout the postwar years (1939–52). The dictatorship would lay the blame on external factors, although the causes for the collapse of living conditions and food supply over that time lay in its autarkic policies. This article attempts to show that Spain was victim of a famine as a consequence of the economic policies of the Franco dictatorship. To analyse the Spanish case, we rely on the conceptual framework of famine studies throughout history. We will demonstrate that Spain suffered an extreme socio-economic crisis during the 1940s, but that it was not until late 1939 and 1942, as well as 1946, that a true famine took place. In order to characterise and explain it, we will analyse three different aspects: the rise in the cost of living, the spread of infectious diseases and death by starvation.

This paper investigates the voltage and reactive power control problem in low voltage grids with connected prosumers and bulk loads. The X(U) local control, which maintains the voltage at the feeders’ ends within a predefined band, and its combination with Q-Autarkic customer plants are the most effective and reliable strategies in grids with high prosumer share. However, these strategies may need adaptations to guarantee voltage limit compliance when bulk loads, such as electric vehicle parking garages and community-owned photovoltaic systems, are connected to the low voltage feeders. This paper extends the X(U) local control concept to involve bulk loads in Volt/var control and investigates the resulting load flows in different real low voltage grids. The results show that the extended control arrangement reliably removes all voltage limit violations by deteriorating the effectiveness of the original X(U) local control arrangement: reactive power flows and equipment loading within the low voltage grids are increased.