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\"From the racially segregated 'Jim Crow' US South to the many electoral but hardly democratic local regimes in Argentina and other federal democracies, the political rights of citizens around the world are often curtailed by powerful subnational rulers. Hybrid Regimes within Democracies presents the first comprehensive study of democracy and authoritarianism in all the subnational units of a federation. The book focuses on Argentina, but also contains a comparative chapter that considers seven other federations including Germany, Mexico, and the USA. The in-depth and multidimensional description of subnational regimes in all Argentine provinces is complemented with an innovative explanation for the large differences between those that are democratic and those that are 'hybrid', complex combinations of democratic and authoritarian elements. Putting forward and testing an original theory of subnational democracy, Gervasoni extends the rentier-state explanatory logic from resource rents to a more general concept, such as 'fiscal federalism rents', and from the national to the subnational level\"-- Provided by publisher.

DuBois traces how state repression and community militancy are remembered in a neighborhood in Buenos Aires and how the tangled and ambiguous legacies of the past continued to shape ordinary people's lives years after the collapse of the military regime.

Why do attempts by authoritarian regimes to legalize their political repression differ so dramatically? Why do some dispense with the law altogether, while others scrupulously modify constitutions, pass new laws, and organize political trials? Political (In)Justice answers these questions by comparing the legal aspects of political repression in three recent military regimes: Brazil (1964-1985); Chile (1973-1990); and Argentina (1976-1983). By focusing on political trials as a reflection of each regime's overall approach to the law, Anthony Pereira argues that the practice of each regime can be explained by examining the long-term relationship between the judiciary and the military. Brazil was marked by a high degree of judicial-military integration and cooperation; Chile's military essentially usurped judicial authority; and in Argentina, the military negated the judiciary altogether. Pereira extends the judicial-military framework to other authoritarian regimes-Salazar's Portugal, Hitler's Germany, and Franco's Spain-and a democracy (the United States), to illuminate historical and contemporary aspects of state coercion and the rule of law.

This article considers the political situation of an authoritarian province in a nationally democratic country. The objective is to uncover strategies that incumbents (in this article, governors) pursue to perpetuate provincial authoritarian regimes, as well as dynamics that can undermine such regimes. A central insight is that controlling the scope of provincial conflict (that is, the extent to which it is localized or nationalized) is a major objective of incumbents and oppositions in struggles over local democratization. Authoritarian incumbents will thus pursue “boundary control” strategies, which are played out in multiple arenas of a national territorial system. The articlefleshesout these processes via comparative analysis of two conflicts over subnational democratization in 2004: the state of Oaxaca in Mexico and the province of Santiago del Estero in Argentina.

This article clarifies the origins of the field of transitional justice and its preliminary conceptual boundaries. I argue that the field began to emerge in the late 1980s, as a consequence of new practical conditions that human rights activists faced in countries such as Argentina, where authoritarian regimes had been replaced by more democratic ones. The turn away from \"naming and shaming\" and toward accountability for past abuse among human rights activists was taken up at the international level, where the focus on political change as \"transition to democracy\" helped to legitimate those claims to justice that prioritized legal-institutional reforms and responses--such as punishing leaders, vetting abusive security forces, and replacing state secrecy with truth and transparency--over other claims to justice that were oriented toward social justice and redistribution. I end by discussing the many ways in which these initial conceptual boundaries have since been tested and expanded.

Levels of subnational democracy vary significantly within countries around the world. Drawing on fiscal theories of the state, the author argues that this variance is often explained by a type of rentierism that is not geographically determined by natural resources but politically created by certain fiscal federalism arrangements. He posits that less democratic regimes are more likely in rentier provinces—those that receive disproportionately large central government transfers and practically forgo local taxation. Intergovernmental revenue-sharing rules that produce large vertical fiscal imbalances and favor the economically smaller districts provide their incumbents with generous “fiscal federalism rents” that allow them to restrict democratic contestation and weaken checks and balances. Statistical evidence from a panel data set of the Argentine provinces strongly confirms this expectation, even after controlling for standard alternative explanations such as level of development. Sensitivity analysis shows that this finding is extremely robust to alternative panel estimators. Qualitative and quantitative evidence suggests that the effect of heavy public spending on the economic autonomy of political actors is the main causal mechanism at work.

This book develops a framework for analyzing the creation and consolidation of democracy. Different social groups prefer different political institutions because of the way they allocate political power and resources. Thus democracy is preferred by the majority of citizens, but opposed by elites. Dictatorship nevertheless is not stable when citizens can threaten social disorder and revolution. In response, when the costs of repression are sufficiently high and promises of concessions are not credible, elites may be forced to create democracy. By democratizing, elites credibly transfer political power to the citizens, ensuring social stability. Democracy consolidates when elites do not have strong incentive to overthrow it. These processes depend on (1) the strength of civil society, (2) the structure of political institutions, (3) the nature of political and economic crises, (4) the level of economic inequality, (5) the structure of the economy, and (6) the form and extent of globalization.

Although a few historians have discussed the influence of Peronism in Chile, research has been guided mostly by diplomatic studies and political history, which, though important, are less convincing for historians interested in logics of media representation, particularly from the satirical press. This article explores visual representations of Argentina’s president Juan Perón (1946–1955) in the Chilean magazine Topaze . By discussing and contextualizing a series of images produced by Chilean cartoonists, this study provides new insights into the important role played by the press in shaping anti-Peronist sensibilities and discrediting Perón within Chilean domestic politics. Studying the impact of Peronism in the region—particularly in neighboring countries such as Chile—is useful for thinking about Peronism as a transnational phenomenon with multiple meanings outside Argentina. Aunque algunos historiadores han discutido la influencia del peronismo en Chile, la investigación se ha guiado mayoritariamente por estudios diplomáticos e historia política, los cuales, por cierto importantes, resultan menos convincentes para investigadores interesados en lógicas de representación mediática y particularmente desde la prensa satírica. Este artículo explora las representaciones visuales del presidente argentino Juan Perón (1946–1955) en la revista chilena Topaze . Al discutir y contextualizar una serie de imágenes producidas por talentosos caricaturistas chilenos, el estudio brinda nuevos conocimientos sobre el importante papel que jugó la prensa en la formación de sensibilidades antiperonistas y en el descrédito de Perón dentro de la política interna chilena. Estudiar el impacto del peronismo en la región —particularmente de países vecinos como Chile— puede ser útil para pensar el peronismo como un fenómeno transnacional con múltiples significados fuera de Argentina.

Studies of the “people’s spring,” the period of unprecedented social mobilization in Argentina in the early 1970s, frequently omit rural women even though they were among the sectors that rallied for social justice. In most of Latin America at the time, rural women were prevented from equal participation in social movements; in contrast, rural women in northeastern Argentina actively participated in the Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). This article uses letters and newspaper articles in Amanecer agrario to answer two questions: First, what did womanhood mean for rural women in northeastern Argentina during the early 1970s? Second, what did the “people’s spring” mean for these same women? Although the movement split, with women from small farms generally wanting MAM to expand its efforts to broader societal problems and women from medium farms generally wanting MAM to stay focused on the concerns of Misiones farmers, throughout it all, rural women communicated their hopes, desires, and concerns for themselves, their families, and their communities. Los estudios sobre la “primavera de los pueblos”, el período de movilización social sin precedentes en Argentina a principios de la década de 1970, suelen omitir a las mujeres rurales a pesar de que éstas se encontraban entre los sectores que luchaban por la justicia social. En ese momento, en la mayor parte de América Latina a las mujeres rurales se les impedía una participación equivalente a la de los hombres rurales en los movimientos sociales y, sin embargo, en el caso de las mujeres rurales del noreste argentino, éstas participaban activamente en el Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). Este ensayo utiliza artículos y cartas de Amanecer agrario para responder a dos preguntas: Primero, ¿qué significaba ser mujer para las mujeres rurales del noreste argentino a principios de los años setenta? Segundo, ¿qué significó la “primavera de los pueblos” para estas mismas mujeres? Aunque el movimiento se dividió —las mujeres de pequeñas parcelas generalmente querían que el MAM extendiera sus esfuerzos a problemas sociales más amplios, mientras que las mujeres de parcelas medianas generalmente querían que el MAM se mantuviera enfocado en las preocupaciones de los agricultores de Misiones— en todo momento, las mujeres rurales comunicaban sus esperanzas, deseos y preocupaciones por ellas mismas, sus familias y sus comunidades.