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105
result(s) for
"Authoritarianism Korea (North)."
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Stop Pyongyang's Autogenocide
2006
... SINCE NORTH KOREA'S nuclear weapons test on Oct. 9, 2006, the international community has focused on urging the country to refrain from taking further provocative acts while also trying to manage the global implications of the test.
Magazine Article
Authoritarian Audiences: Theory and Evidence for Subnational Propaganda Targeting in North Korea
by
Greitens, Sheena Chestnut
,
Ba, Heather-Leigh K.
,
Kim, Yu Bin
in
Agricultural economics
,
Agricultural production
,
Audiences
2023
We argue that authoritarian regimes engage in subnational propaganda targeting in pursuit of political survival. Drawing on an original dataset of propaganda collected inside North Korea, we show that the regime tailors messaging to elites and masses differently. We outline a schema of strategies and themes that authoritarian regimes utilize when crafting propaganda, theorize variations in their use, and test these variations empirically, using qualitative analysis, regression, and text analysis. We demonstrate that the North Korean regime targets Pyongyang-based elites with co-optational messages promising economic benefit, while the masses receive mobilizational messages focused on agricultural productivity. North Korean propaganda also legitimates the regime differently based on audience: messages to elites reassure them of their privileged status but messages to the masses remind them of why their sacrifices are necessary.
Journal Article
Pyongyang's Survival Strategy: Tools of Authoritarian Control in North Korea
2010
Speculation about the future of the North Korean regime has been intense for nearly two decades. In the 1990s, economic crises and famine led to predictions of the Kim regime's imminent downfall. Today analysts highlight impending famine as well as threats to the regime's position brought by eroding information control. Several theories of authoritarian control help to explain how Kim Jong-il and his family have remained in power and how this might change over time. The Kim regime has employed a variety of authoritarian \"tools\" to protect itself both from popular revolt and from internal coups. Its social policies, reliance on certain ideas and nationalism, and use of force prevent the onset of revolution. Through numerous other tools (elite co-optation, manipulation of foreign governments for financial aid, and the \"coupproofing\" of domestic institutions), the regime protects itself from coups d'état and elite unrest. This framework not only helps to explain the past resilience of the regime, but it suggests that the regime is not in danger of being unseated by coups or revolution. Yet it also suggests that the regime has not adequately prepared for succession after Kim's death. This analysis has implications for policy planning about the future of the Korean Peninsula, as well as for negotiations with and coercive strategies toward Pyongyang.
Journal Article
Pronoun Usage as a Measure of Power Personalization: A General Theory with Evidence from the Chinese-Speaking World
2022
How can the growing personalization of power be identified and measured ex ante? Extant measures in the authoritarian literature have traditionally focused on institutional constraints and more recently on individual behaviour – such as purging opposition members from (and packing allies into) government bodies. This article offers a different strategy that examines leaders’ individual rhetoric. It focuses on patterns of pronoun usage for the first person. The author argues that as leaders personalize power, they are less likely to use ‘I’ (a pronoun linked to credit claiming and blame minimizing) and more likely to use ‘we’ (the leader speaks for – or with – the populace). To test this argument, the study focuses on all major, scheduled speeches by all chief executives in the entire Chinese-speaking world – that is, China, Singapore and Taiwan – since independence. It finds a robust pattern between first-person pronouns and political constraints. To ensure the results are not driven by the Chinese sample, the rhetoric of four other political leaders is considered: Albania's Hoxha, North Korea's Kim Il Sung, Hungary's Orbán and Ecuador's Correa. The implications of this project suggest that how leaders talk can provide insights into how they perceive their rule.
Journal Article
Beyond Compliance
2025
Purpose- This study aims to examine how North Korea strategically employs the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process to reinforce domestic legitimacy and navigate international human rights norms without compromising its authoritarian control. Design, Methodology, Approach-The study conducts a discourse analysis of North Korea's national reports from four UPR cycles (2009-2024) alongside relevant civil society submissions to reveal the regime's approach to addressing international human rights obligations. Findings-North Korea selectively aligns itself with international norms that support its ideological framework while rejecting those that threaten its authority. This selective engagement allows the regime to project an international image of cooperation and modernization while maintaining strict domestic control. The concept of \"international engagement legitimacy\" explains how the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) leverages the UPR to strengthen its domestic legitimacy without implementing substantive reforms. Practical Implications- A comprehensive understanding of North Koreass strategic adaptation of international norms will allow the global community to develop effective policies and engagement strategies. These strategies should consider the regime's motivations and the complex relationship between international participation and domestic legitimacy. Originality, Value- This research introduces the concept of \"international engagement legitimacy, offering a novel perspective on how authoritarian regimes engage with international human rights mechanisms. It challenges traditional socialization models and enriches the discourse on human rights adoption within authoritarian contexts.
Journal Article
The Russia–North Korea Strategic Partnership and Authoritarian Alignment: Implications for the East Asian Security Order
2025
The shockwaves emanating from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have fundamentally unsettled the peace in Europe, exposing vulnerabilities and forcing geopolitical recalibrations. While much scholarly attention has focused on the conflict’s European dimensions, this paper examines its underexplored implications for East Asia and the burgeoning Russia–North Korea security partnership. Drawing on the existing scholarship on authoritarian alignment, we analyze the evolution of their relationship to uncover the mechanisms by which the two states have forged strategic partnerships that transcend traditional bilateralism. We argue that this partnership not only redefines Russia–North Korea ties but also signals the emergence of a broader alignment involving China and Iran. We contend that this collaboration poses a major challenge to the architecture of post-war East Asian security.
Journal Article
Top Elite Rearrangement during Political Succession in the Authoritarian Regime: A Comparative Case Study of Two Successions in North Korea
2025
This paper analyzes leadership transitions in North Korea, comparing the successions of Kim Jong Il and Kim Jong Un. Employing a five-stage framework and focusing on elite rearrangement, it emphasizes the importance of successor-led coalitions (elite groups aligned with the successor) in ensuring regime stability before a leader takes power. Findings reveal that Kim Jong Il's extended preparation period enabled a smoother transition, whereas Kim Jong Un faced difficulties due to inherited elite networks. These findings provide insights into North Korea's potential future successions and contribute to broader theories of authoritarian regime stability. This research employs qualitative analysis of historical records and secondary sources, contributing to theories of personalist dictatorships.
Journal Article
Automating Power: Cybernetics and Sovereignty in Cold War North Korea
2024
This study challenges the conventional Cold War narrative that portrays cybernetics as inherently opposed to communist authoritarianism and the perception of cybernetic control as a mechanism of liberal governmentality. It analyzes the introduction of cybernetics into the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) during the Cold War. Previous studies about cybernetics in the socialist world have described how the discipline's emphasis on objectivity and decentralization clashed with orthodox political economists and Stalinist science and led to liberal reforms. Yet in the DPRK, the introduction of cybernetics was followed by an increase in authoritarianism.
Journal Article
Adapting or Freezing? Ideological Reactions of Communist Regimes to a Post-Communist World
2020
This article studies the ideological reactions of communist regimes to the advent of a post-communist world. It examines two cases of reformed communist regimes (China and Vietnam) with two relatively unreformed cases (North Korea and Cuba) to understand different legitimation strategies employed during and after the downfall of the Soviet Union. Theoretically, the article compares two ideal-type approaches to ideology in autocratic regimes. The first approach emphasizes semantic ‘freezing’ over time. The consistency and coherence of ideology is underlined. The second approach argues that the success of an ideology lies in its ability to be a dynamic, adaptive force that can react with changing circumstances. Four parameters help to distinguish the freeze-frame end from the adaptation pole: (1) the autonomy over semantic changes, (2) the timing, (3) the velocity and (4) the distance that an ideology moves. Using qualitative case-based analysis that is enriched with quantitative text analysis of communist party documents, this article compares these contending conceptions of ideology with each other in the four cases. Sharing similar starting conditions in the 1970s, the article shows how China and Vietnam harnessed a flexible legitimation strategy while North Korea and Cuba adopted a comparatively rigid legitimation approach.
Journal Article