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Background While TB-related mortality in the US declined four-fold from 1990 to 2019, country-level estimates of TB burden obscure within-state racial heterogeneity and changes in TB burden over time. In sixteen US Southern States and Washington DC, the effects of health inequities engendered by Jim-Crow laws enacted from the late 1800s to the 1960s have not been evaluated for TB-related mortality. We, therefore, sought to compare TB mortality rates and annualized rate of change (AROC) between 1990 and 2019 in former Jim-Crow vs. non-Jim-Crow states to help guide response efforts and inform resource prioritization to improve racial equity. Methods We evaluated whether TB-related mortality varied over time, from 1990 to 2019, between states that have a history of enacting Jim-Crow laws vs. states with no such history using estimates from the Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study 2019 (GBD 2019). TB mortality per 100,000 population and bootstrap 95% uncertainty intervals (UIs) were modeled using the Cause of Death Ensemble model (CODEm) framework with varying combinations of predictive covariates. For changes over time, we present age-standardized AROC as the percent difference in the natural logarithm of the rate in 1990 and 2019 divided by 30 (i.e., 100*[ln(2019 Rate/1990 Rate)/(30)) and the corresponding 95% UIs. Results TB-related mortality in all US states declined between 1990 and 2019. From 1990 to 2019, most former Jim-Crow states had higher mortality rates than states that did not enact Jim-Crow laws. The most significant decline in TB mortality was in Washington DC, with a six-fold decline from 2.69 (2.46–2.96) per 100,000 population in 1990 to 0.45(0.37–0.55) in 2019, corresponding to an AROC of -0.83% (-0.86;-0.79). The lowest decline was in Iowa, from 0.30 (0.27–0.33) to 0.09 (0.07–0.11) (AROC: -0.70% (-0.76; -0.63)). Eleven of the 16 states and Washington DC in the third tertile of TB mortality rate in 1990 (range 0.81–2.69) had a history of Jim-Crow laws, whereas none of the 17 states in the first tertile (range 0.30–0.51) had such history. Conversely, mortality decreased relatively slowly in former Jim-Crow states than in non-Jim-Crow states. Conclusions Even though the 1964 Civil Rights Act dismantled Jim-Crow statutes, racial inequities in TB burden experienced by past generations may still be felt in subsequent generations. Understanding the role of structural racism at the intersection of science and medicine shows the complex ways historical laws, such as Jim-Crow laws, continue to negatively impact health outcomes and warn of future dangers, such as COVID-19, to avoid.

This book recounts a little-known history of the estimated 2,000 babies born to black GIs and white British women in the second world war. The African-American press named these children ‘brown babies’; the British called them ‘half-castes’. Black GIs, in this segregated army, were forbidden to marry their white girl-friends. Nearly half of the children were given up to children’s homes but few were adopted, thought ‘too hard to place’. There has been minimal study of these children and the difficulties they faced, such as racism in a (then) very white Britain, lack of family or a clear identity. The book will present the stories of over fifty of these children, their stories contextualised in terms of government policy and attitudes of the time. Accessibly written, with stories both heart-breaking and uplifting, the book is illustrated throughout with photographs.

Exploring the profound impact of the Black Power movement on African Americans.Outstanding Academic Title, ChoiceIn the 1960s and 70s, the two most important black nationalist organizations, the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party, gave voice and agency to the most economically and politically isolated members of black communities outside the South. Though vilified as fringe and extremist, these movements proved to be formidable agents of influence during the civil rights era, ultimately giving birth to the Black Power movement.Drawing on deep archival research and interviews with key participants, Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar reconsiders the commingled stories of-and popular reactions to-the Nation of Islam, Black Panthers, and mainstream civil rights leaders. Ogbar finds that many African Americans embraced the seemingly contradictory political agenda of desegregation and nationalism. Indeed, black nationalism, he demonstrates, was far more favorably received among African Americans than historians have previously acknowledged. It engendered minority pride and influenced the political, cultural, and religious spheres of mainstream African American life for the decades to come.This updated edition of Ogbar's classic work contains a new preface that describes the book's genesis and links the Black Power movement to the Black Lives Matter movement. A thoroughly updated essay on sources contains a comprehensive review of Black Power-related scholarship. Ultimately, Black Power reveals a black freedom movement in which the ideals of desegregation through nonviolence and black nationalism marched side by side.

Background Heterogeneous Black populations encounter significant obstacles in accessing cancer care, yet research on lung cancer treatment disparities remains limited. This study investigates whether the disparity in receiving curative‐intent treatment (curative‐intent surgery and/or stereotactic body radiation therapy [SBRT]) for early‐stage non‐small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) between non‐Hispanic Whites (NHWs) and total Blacks extends to diverse Black populations, including US‐born, Afro‐Haitian, West Indian Black, and Hispanic Black individuals. Methods This cross‐sectional study included all Florida cancer registry early‐stage NSCLC cases 2005–2017, linked to individual‐level discharge data containing comorbidity and specific treatment details (surgery and/or SBRT). Multivariable logistic regression assessed the association between race/ethnicity and the receipt of curative‐intent treatment, while accounting for sociodemographic factors (poverty, age, insurance, and smoking status) and clinical variables. Results Among 55,655 early‐stage NSCLC patients, 71.1% received curative‐intent treatment: 72.1% NHW and 59.7% Black (non‐Hispanic and Hispanic) individuals. Black patients had 35% lower odds (ORadj, 0.65; 95% CI, 0.59–0.70) of receiving curative‐intent treatment compared to NHW patients. ORs varied from 0.57 (95% CI, 0.59–0.70) for Hispanic Black to 0.76 (95% CI, 0.56–1.02) for West Indian Black. Remarkably, Black‐White disparities persisted despite the availability of curative treatment options (SBRT) for both high Charlson Comorbidity Index (CCI) observed among US‐born Blacks and surgery for low CCI patients among all other Black subgroups. Conclusions Pronounced disparities in accessing curative‐intent treatments for early‐stage NSCLC were evident across all Black subgroups, regardless of treatment availability and comorbidity profile. These findings underscore the need to address Black heterogeneity and prompt further research to rectify treatment disparities in early‐stage NSCLC.

Watching While Black Rebooted: The Television and Digitality of Black Audiences examines what watching while Black means in an expanded U.S. televisual landscape. In this updated edition, media scholars return to television and digital spaces to think anew about what engages and captures Black audiences and users and why it matters. Contributors traverse programs and platforms to wrestle with a changing television industry that has exploded and included Black audiences as a new and central target of its visioning. The book illuminates history, care, monetization, and affect. Within these frames, the chapters run the gamut from transmediation, regional relevance, and superhuman visioning to historical traumas and progress, queer possibilities, and how televisual programming can make viewers feel Black. Mostly, the work tackles what the future looks like now for a changing televisual industry, Black media makers, and Black audiences. Chapters rethink such historically significant programs as Roots and Underground, such seemingly innocuous programs as Soul Food, and such contemporary and culturally complicated programs as Being Mary Jane and Atlanta. The book makes a case for the centrality of these programs while always recognizing the racial dynamics that continue to shape Black representation on the small screen. Painting a decidedly introspective portrait across forty years of Black television, Watching While Black Rebooted sheds much-needed light on under examined demographics, broadens common audience considerations, and gives deference to the preferences of audiences and producers of Black-targeted programming.

This study explores willingness to use PrEP among Black individuals in the US. From February to April 2016, an online survey was administered to a nationally representative sample of Black individuals. 855 individuals who were HIV negative by self-report participated [mean age: 33.6 (SD 9.2); 45.5% male]. Among all respondents, 14.5% were aware of, and 26.0% would be willing to use PrEP. Among high-risk individuals (N = 327), 19.8% knew about and 35.1% would be willing to use PrEP. The most common reason for lack of willingness among high-risk individuals was low self-perceived risk (65.1%). In multivariate analysis, individuals reporting single marital status [OR 1.8 (1.2, 2.5), p = 0.002], depressive symptoms [OR 1.6 (1.2, 2.2), p = 0.0054], arrest history [OR 1.7(1.2, 2.4), p = 0.0003], PrEP knowledge [OR 1.5 (1.0, 2.3), p = 0.0247] and belief in HIV conspiracies [OR 1.3 (1.1, 1.5), p = 0.0075] were more willing to use PrEP. Participants who saw a health care provider less frequently were less willing to use PrEP [OR 0.5 (0.4, 0.8), p = 0.0044]. Among a nationally representative sample of Black individuals, few high risk individuals were willing to use PrEP. Interventions to increase risk awareness, PrEP knowledge and access to care are necessary to improve PrEP uptake.

This study examines breast cancer screening behavior among subpopulations of Black women in the United States. Binary logistic regression was used to analyze breast cancer screening among a nationally-representative sample ( n = 9,783) of Black women—US-born, non-US-born Caribbean, and non-US-born African—from the 2011-2017 National Health Interview Survey dataset. Non-US-born African Black women were less likely to have breast cancer screening, compared to US-born Black women. Among non-US-born Black women, non-US-born Caribbean Black women were more likely to have had breast cancer screening. Differential healthcare access associated with nativity differences among Black women can be informing their breast cancer screening behaviors. Efforts to improve breast cancer outcomes among Black women can benefit from interventions that account for differential access to healthcare and breast cancer screening behaviors among subgroups of Black women.

In what ways do childbearing patterns in the contemporary United States vary for white, black, and Hispanic women? Why do these differences exist? Although completed family size is currently similar for white and black women, and only modestly larger for Hispanic women, we highlight persistent differences across groups with respect to the timing of childbearing, the relationship context of childbearing, and the extent to which births are intended. We next evaluate key explanations for these differences. Guided by a proximate determinants approach, we focus here on patterns of sexual activity, contraceptive use, and postconception outcomes such as abortion and changes in mothers' relationship status. We find contraceptive use to be a particularly important contributor to racial and ethnic differences in childbearing, yet reasons for varying contraception use itself remain insufficiently understood. We end by reflecting on promising directions for further research.

BackgroundThere are few studies that directly investigate disparities in outcome within the African diaspora in the US. We investigated the association between nativity of Black women diagnosed with breast cancer (Caribbean or USA place of birth) and ethnicity, age at diagnosis, treatment, tumor characteristics and outcome.MethodsThe data were obtained from the University of Miami Health System, and Jackson Health System. Individual-level data from 1132 cases was used to estimate hazard rations (HRs) of women born in the Caribbean (Caribbean Blacks, CB) or in the USA (US Black, USB) using Cox proportional hazards regression analysis for overall survival.ResultsThe cohort contains data from 624 (54.9%) USB women and 507 (45%) CB women diagnosed with breast cancer between 2006 and 2017. Compared to CB patients, USB patients had more Estrogen Receptor negative (31.4% vs. 39.1%, P = 0.018) and triple negative breast cancers (19.6% vs. 27.9%, P = 0.003). CB women presented at more advanced stages III/IV (44.2% vs. 35.2%; P = 0.016). CB patients showed a better overall survival (hazard ratio, HR = 0.75; 95% CI 0.59–0.96; P = 0.024). Overall Black Hispanic patients had a better overall survival (HR = 0.51; 95% CI 0.28–0.93; P = 0.028) compared to non-Hispanic Black patients.ConclusionIn conclusion the study found that CB immigrants diagnosed with breast cancer have an improved overall survival when compared with USB patients. This finding suggests that within the African diaspora in the USA, additional factors beyond race contribute to worse outcomes in African Americans.

To introduce students to slavery, the Civil War, the meaning and limitations of emancipation to nearly four million enslaved African Americans in the South, and the short-lived \"social revolution\" of Reconstruction, I have routinely assigned Eric Foner's Forever Free: The Story of Emancipation and Reconstruction.® This concise and digestible book is largely a history of African Americans in the South. E. B. Du Bois conflict (that tends to belittle Washington's southern identity in ahistorical manners) and contextualizing postReconstruction era Black advancement, when learning about the Black experience during the anti-Black-thought-fueled \"nadir\" period and the long era of de jure segregation, undergraduate students should be made aware that African Americans in the South largely worked in rural areas and faced unprecedented racial terrorism (such as lynching, the convict lease system, and whitecapping), disenfranchisement, and economic exploitation.13 To explain pervasive anti-Black violence and thought in southern white culture, I found it useful to translate the arguments of historians Jennifer Ritterhouse and Kristina DuRocher concerning the socialization of multiple generations of white children in the South.14 Key topics often explored in traditional Black history surveys during the first half of the twentieth century include the Great Migration and African American urbanization outside the South, Black participation in World Wars I and II, the Harlem Renaissance, the Great Depression and New Deal politics (highlighting the Scottsboro Boys case and FDR's \"Black Cabinet\"), and rising Black Cold War-era radicalism. Challenging the nonviolent direct-action orthodoxy a la Martin Luther King Jr. and his acolytes, I highlight for students the diversity of African Americans' reactions and resistance to the racial terrorism of the period. Discussions of armed Black self-defense in the South before, during, and after the modern civil rights movement signal to students that the call for Black Power-that was popularized by Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture) in Mississippi in 1966 while he was chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee-had Black southern roots and linkages (for example, the influence of Robert F. Williams's 1962 Negroes with Guns on the Black Panther Party and the Lowndes County Freedom Organization's adoption of the black panther symbol).15 Comprehensively describing how one teaches a semester-long survey course in a brief essay of this nature is unfeasible.