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تستعرض هذه الدراسة تاريخ النضال الممتد لعرب النقب وقضاء بئر السبع منذ العهد العثماني وحتى الوقت الحاضر، مسلطة الضوء على مقاومتهم المستمرة لسياسات التهجير والإحلال الصهيوني. مستهلة بتوثيق تأسيس مدينة بئر السبع العثمانية عام 1900 كمركز إداري، وتتناول الصراع على ملكية الأراضي خلال فترة الانتداب البريطاني، حيث اعترف البريطانيون بملكية الأراضي العشائرية للبدو. وبعد نكبة 1948، تعرض سكان المنطقة لتهجير جماعي نزح خلاله نحو 80% منهم إلى غزة والأردن، فيما خضع من تبقى منهم لحكم عسكري إسرائيلي صارم صودرت خلاله أراضيهم استناداً إلى قوانين الطوارئ البريطانية. كما أشارت إلى مخططات التهجير الإسرائيلية المتعاقبة مثل \"برافر\" (2013) التي هدفت إلى ترحيل البدو من قراهم غير المعترف بها، وكيف تمكنت الاحتجاجات الشعبية والمقاومة القانونية، خصوصاً عبر \"حراك الشباب\"، من إفشال هذه المخططات وجعل النقب نموذجاً للنضال العالمي. وتوثق الدراسة أيضاً التحول من المقاومة المسلحة في ثلاثينيات القرن الماضي، مثل ثورة 1936، إلى أشكال النضال القانوني والمجتمعي الحديث في مواجهة تحديات مستمرة كعمليات هدم القرى (العراقيب، أم الحيران) وتوسع المستوطنات. بالاعتماد على وثائق أرشيفية من إسطنبول ولندن والقدس، وإجراء مقابلات مع ناجين من النكبة، مؤكدة على أن صمود عرب النقب يمثل ركناً أساسياً من النضال الفلسطيني الشامل ضد المشروع الاستعماري الاستيطاني. كُتب هذا المستخلص من قبل دار المنظومة 2025

This chapter reveals that the Bedouin invoked various forms of non-cooperation lobbying action, political and cultural resistance, to reduce the impact of military rule on their everyday life. Israel ruled the Palestinian Arab minority by applying a system of 'military rule'. According to British archival reports, the military rule in the Naqab received support from the army, which assumed responsibility for operating in the desert and trying to control the daily lives of the Bedouin: 'In the Negev, frontier and internal security are maintained exclusively by the army'. According to letters from the United Nations, Israel expelled between 7,000 and 8,000 Bedouin from the 'Azazma sub-tribes across the international border into Egyptian territory'. Most of the remnant Bedouin were not allowed to return to their native land, even to recover their possessions, they sought to obtain their rights as refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) through using different forms of complaint and legal claims. This chapter reveals that the Bedouin invoked various forms of non-cooperation lobbying action, political and cultural resistance, to reduce the impact of military rule on their everyday life. Israel ruled the Palestinian Arab minority by applying a system of 'military rule'. According to British archival reports, the military rule in the Naqab received support from the army, which assumed responsibility for operating in the desert and trying to control the daily lives of the Bedouin: 'In the Negev, frontier and internal security are maintained exclusively by the army'. According to letters from the United Nations, Israel expelled between 7,000 and 8,000 Bedouin from the 'Azazma sub-tribes across the international border into Egyptian territory'. Most of the remnant Bedouin were not allowed to return to their native land, even to recover their possessions, they sought to obtain their rights as refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) through using different forms of complaint and legal claims.

The Sinai Peninsula links Asia and Africa and for millennia has been crossed by imperial armies from both the east and the west. Thus, its Bedouin inhabitants are by necessity involved in world affairs and maintain a complex, almost urban, economy. They make their home in arid mountains that provide limited pastures and lack arable soils and must derive much of their income from migrant labor and trade. Still, every household maintains, at considerable expense, a small orchard and a minute flock of goats and sheep. The orchards and flocks sustain them in times of need and become the core of a mutual assurance system. It is for this social security that Bedouin live in and retire to the mountains. Based on fieldwork over ten years, this book builds on the central theoretical understanding that the complex political economy of the Mount Sinai Bedouin is integrated into urban society and part of the modern global world.

The Naqab Bedouin and Colonialism brings together new scholarship to challenge perceived paradigms, often dominated by Orientalist, modernist or developmentalist assumptions on the Naqab Bedouin. The past decade has witnessed a change in both the wider knowledge production on, and political profile of, the Naqab Bedouin. This book addresses this change by, firstly, endeavouring to overcome the historic isolation of Naqab Bedouin studies from the rest of Palestine studies by situating, studying and analysing their predicaments firmly within the contemporary context of Israeli settler-colonial policies. Secondly, it strives to decolonize research and advocacy on the Naqab Bedouin, by, for example, reclaiming 'indigenous' knowledge and terminology. Not only offering a nuanced description and analysis of Naqab Bedouin agency and activism, but also trying to draw broader conclusions as to the functioning of settler-colonial power structures as well as to the politics of research in such a context, this book is essential reading for students and researchers with an interest in Postcolonial Studies, Development Studies, Israel/Palestine Studies and the contemporary Middle East more broadly.

This article explores the legal issues and policies surrounding Bedouin land ownership and dispossession in the Negev. By tracing the colonial legal trajectory—from Ottoman to British and finally, to the current Israeli adoption and development of legal doctrines—the author exposes an intricate manipulation of historical legal policies being used to further displace tens of thousands of Bedouin Arabs living in the Negev today. This displacement is further contextualized as not only legally steeped in colonial heritage, but also as part and parcel of an active, larger colonial Judaization scheme by the Israeli state towards its Palestinian citizens. This article discusses the most recent of these schemes in the Negev: the Prawer Plan.

This study examines the development of official policy, mainly regarding land and settlement, in the three decades following Israel's establishment, focusing on ad hoc committees appointed to deal with Bedouin issues. The majority of the committee reports included suggestions for ending disputes between the Bedouin and the State over Negev lands and/or to establish Bedouin permanent settlement. However, few of the proposals were implemented; de facto recommendations were halted before or shortly after implementation began. Based on archival documentation, the study reveals that State policy was ad hoc, inconsistent and constantly changing.

This survey report describes two well-preserved built Bedouin structures located near Ṣeʾelim in the western Negev (map 129). The condition of both structures provides information on their height, construction and the features located inside. Ethnographic data collected by Gazit indicates that the Tarabin built these structures in the 1930s when they were beginning to sedentarize. The construction of these buildings also coincides with the occupants’ cultivation of cash crops. Both buildings provide data for the study of the Negev Bedouin and the Mandate period from an archaeological perspective.

As part of the peace accords with Egypt over 30 years ago, Israel was required to evacuate the Sinai Peninsula and to transfer its three military bases to the Negev. The largest of them was moved to Tel Malhata in the northern Negev. Toward its establishment, it was necessary to evacuate and resettle the Bedouin residents. The article reconstructs and analyzes the steps that preceded this process, including specific legislation, attempts to reach agreements during the legislative process, and the program that was ultimately accepted and implemented. It traces the circumstances that made it possible for the resettlement to take place without extensive public protest and without the authorities having to resort to enforcement. It examines the implications of this process for the long-term relationships between the State of Israel and its Bedouin citizens. Moreover, a complex of factors is presented, both changing and permanent, internal and external, that influenced the outcome. The contribution of this study lies in its scrutiny of the successes, limitations, failures, and future implications of the process through the perspective of time. Thus, it can serve as the basis for understanding the contextual changes that have taken place from then until today.

On the foundation of the first Jewish settlements in the Negev, at the start of the 1940s, the Bedouins welcomed the Jewish settlers. The local personal connections and mutual acquaintance between them created a feeling of closeness. The symbiosis of daily life and mutual help in the fields of personal needs, from medicine to transport, replaced their mutual fears. However, two factors quickly changed this attitude. The first was a severe drought, which struck the Negev in the winter of 1947, and brought with it a difficult economic situation, followed by several robberies and disputes, and damage to property. The second factor was the incessant encouragement given by the leaders of the Palestinian National Movement to the Bedouins to join the struggle against the Jewish population, especially after the UN decision in November 1947, that is, after the partition of Palestine and the inclusion of the Negev within the borders of the Jewish state. Most of the Bedouins joined the Palestinian National Struggle. Friends of yesterday became today's enemies. The years 1947-1949 were a period of anarchy, which continued well into the 1950s. In this period the State of Israel was established. Consequently, the Jewish population in the Negev was no longer the party responsible for the relationship with the Bedouins, as the Israeli government took its place. Also contact between neighbors was reduced after the Bedouins were evacuated toward the 'fence' region, in the Beer-Sheva Valley. The freedom the Bedouins enjoyed before the war did not exist anymore.