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"Black Hawk, Sauk chief (1767-1838)"
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Uncommon Defense
In the spring of 1832, when the Indian warrior Black Hawk and a thousand followers marched into Illinois to reoccupy lands earlier ceded to American settlers, the U.S. Army turned to rival tribes for military support. Elements of the Menominee, Dakota, Potawatomi, and Ho Chunk tribes willingly allied themselves with the United States government against their fellow Native Americans in an uncommon defense of their diverse interests. As the Black Hawk War came only two years after the passage of the Indian Removal Act and is widely viewed as a land grab by ravenous settlers, the military participation of these tribes seems bizarre. What explains this alliance? In order to grasp Indian motives, John Hall explores their alliances in earlier wars with colonial powers as well as in intertribal antagonisms and conflicts. In the crisis of 1832, Indians acted as they had traditionally, leveraging their relationship with a powerful ally to strike tribal enemies, fulfill important male warrior expectations, and pursue political advantage and material gain. However, times had changed and, although the Indians achieved short-term objectives, they helped create conditions that permanently changed their world. Providing a rare view of Indian attitudes and strategies in war and peace, Hall deepens our understanding of Native Americans and the complex roles they played in the nation's history. More broadly, he demonstrates the risks and lessons of small wars that entail an \"uncommon defense\" by unlikely allies in pursuit of diverse, even conflicting, goals.
eBook
Indigeneity and Immigration in Susan Glaspell’s Inheritors
6 Glaspell’s imagining of herself and Cook as occupants of an Indigenous space and her gesture at the “pain and terror” that resulted from the park owners’ seizure of Native land anticipate concerns central to her play Inheritors, begun in January 1920, and first staged by the Provincetown Players in 1921.7 A less exclusive gathering held on July 1, 1911, approximately one hundred miles away may have also provided inspiration; surely it demonstrated the abiding cultural and political power of Black Hawk’s memory in the Midwest. For Glaspell, Indigeneity accrues formal and political value through its assumption of broad exemplarity. [...]she leaves Indigenous people strategically unrepresented: In the earlier reading, she regards Glaspell’s decision as a device for accenting a “remov[al]” of Indigenous people “from the American landscape” that Glaspell considered factual.14 Later, she argues that “the disappearance of Native Americans from the landscape is the only obstacle to the pioneer characters’ absolute topophilia.” 16 But Glaspell, habitually attuned to matters of current importance, must have known that she was writing near the end of a decade of vigorous debate, generated in significant part by the “citizen Indians” or “Indigenous intellectuals” of the inter-tribal Society of American Indians (SAI), about the legal and cultural status of American Indians.17 After its founding in 1911, the SAI held conferences across the West and Midwest and promoted citizenship and education, the activating sites of political engagement in Inheritors, as major planks of its platform.
Journal Article
Black Hawk in Translation: Indigenous Critique and Liberal Guilt in the 1847 Dutch Edition of Life of Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak
First published in Cincinnati in 1833, the Life was a best seller in the United States, but it was unfamiliar to Posthumus, who lived in a small village near the North Sea in the province of Friesland (Frisia). Extending these transatlantic dialogues to a Frisian-Dutch print culture, Rinse Posthumus's translation of the Life not only catered to a widespread ethnological interest in Native American culture in Europe but also brought Black Hawk's critique of settler expansion into political debates about state power that had local and transnational implications. By annotating Black Hawk's account of Sauk traditions and Indigenous dispossession, Posthumus gives voice to his political commitment to liberalism during a time of economic depression and revolutionary energy in the Netherlands. Since these pressures gave rise to a peak in Dutch immigration to the American Midwest-including the very lands that were opened up for settlement after the Black Hawk War (1832)- his commentary in Levensgeschiedenis negotiates a politics of liberal guilt over the intertwined histories of European migration and Sauk dispossession. Despite the widespread European interest in Native cultures, the works of William Apess (Pequot) and George Copway (Ojibwe) did not appear in translation on the European continent in the nineteenth century, although pirated adaptations of the Cherokee author John Rollin Ridge's novel The Life and Adventures of Joaquín Murrieta (1854) were translated into French and Spanish in the 1880s (Parins 107).
Journal Article
Staging the \Native\: Making History in American Theatre Culture, 1828-1838
The staging of public appearances by two Native American leaders--Red Jacket in 1828 and Black Hawk in 1833--is chronicled. These public stagings and a revival of \"Pocahontas\" at the National Theatre in 1836 refigured the positioning of Native Americans in the cultural discourse of Jacksonian America.
Journal Article
Masculinity and Self-Performance in the Life of Black Hawk
The autobiography \"Life of Black Hawk\" is examined as a representation of the collision between the specific Sauk tradition for the masculine gendering of the self as a warrior and the US government policy that sought to eliminate the Native American warrior tradition.
Journal Article
Saving Saukenuk: How Black Hawk Won the War and Opened the Way to Ethnic Semiotics
If you went looking for traces of the Sauk village where Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak (or Black Sparrow Hawk) was born and which, in his refusal to give it up, became the ultimate cause of the Black Hawk War in 1832 – the last Indian war east of the Mississippi – you would not find much: a few smart allusions to the great Sauk warrior on storefront signs and other such promotion gestures over on Rock Island, Iowa, but no archeological evidence at the juncture of the Rock and Mississippi rivers to suggest that the village ever existed. And yet, according to Cecil Eby, by 1790 Saukenuk was “the most imposing town in the Northwest, Indian or white, with more than 100 wickeups (many extending 60 feet in length) and from April to October inhabited by some 3,000 Sauk.” There are, however, scattered verbal signs that might draw the archeologist or historian back and forth over other tableaux of potential Sauk geography, like Sac City in Sac County, Iowa, and Black Hawk County due West of Dubuque. Then there is Prairie du Sac and Sauk City on the Wisconsin River, Wisconsin, two historically vibrant sites which novelist August Derleth turned to good use in his saga of Wisconsin. But when it comes to dealing with a defeated people who also happen to belong to the red race, the names themselves often become signs of cultural obscurantism, if not commemorative oblivion. In list form the available nomenclature amuses: Sacs, Saukies (which the Indians themselves used), Sockeys, Socks, Sacques, Saucs, Sakis. This embarrassing take-your-pick liberality clearly enough sets forth a problem of transliteration; it also evokes the more complex issue of cultural translation tout court: us/them, inside/outside, center/periphery, hegemonic culture/minority culture, structure/chaos.
Journal Article
Black Hawk's \An Autobiography\: The Production and Use of an \Indian\ Voice
Perhaps no 19th-century text explores the conditions under which Native American voices are first allowed to emerge in texts for white Americans better than \"Black Hawk: An Autobiography.\" Although the book has received little attention in the past, recent events have begun to change that.
Journal Article
