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Despite Civil Rights legislation, racial inequality persists, especially in the context of poverty. This study advances the literature on racial inequality and the Southern legacy of slavery by examining slavery's relationship with inequality in poverty. I analyze county-level U.S. Census data using regression and spatial data analysis techniques. I find the 1860 slave concentration is related to contemporary black-white inequality in poverty, independent of contemporary demographic and economic conditions, racialized wealth disparities and racial threat. My research suggests the importance of slavery for shaping existing U.S. racial inequality patterns. Insights derived from this research, including the formulation of legacy as a place-based, continuous phenomenon that is distinct from racial threat, provide the basis for future research on legacy's mechanisms.

This article analyses the racial framing of the humanitarian encounter between Turkish and African Muslims as a trope of first contact. Intensifying humanitarian relations with Africa south of the Sahara, in tandem with the foreign policy of the AKP (Justice and Development Party), has led to the emergence of a racialized affective regime in Turkey that endows Islamic philanthropy with new racial meanings. This article argues that racial subjects such as the White Muslim and the Black Muslim are produced through the affective labour of humanitarian volunteers and others, who narrativize and circulate experiences of first contact in Turkey. Based on a multi-sited ethnography in Turkey, Tanzania, Senegal, Gambia and Benin, this article explores race-making as affective labour. Taking on Berg and Ramos-Zayas’s call for an anthropological theorization of race and affect, it develops a critical framework to examine how humanitarian voluntarism produces differently racialized subjects. In order to do so, this analysis draws on James Baldwin’s insights into the racial and affective politics of the first contact to discuss how Turkish humanitarians build on and alter the racialized affective regime Baldwin describes.

America's changing color line is perhaps best expressed in shifting patterns of neighborhood residential segregation-the geographic separation of races. This research evaluates black exceptionalism by using the universe of U.S. blocks from the 1990 and 2000 decennial censuses to provide a single geographically inclusive national estimate (Theil's H) of black residential segregation from whites and other groups, which can be additively decomposed into its within (e.g., neighborhood segregation within places) and between components (e.g., racial differences between places). The results show that Americas blacks are living in blocks that are roughly two-thirds less racially diverse than the U.S. population overall. Nationally, neighborhood segregation processes account for half, or even less, of blacks' segregation from whites, Hispanics and Asians. Declining big-city micro-segregation has been muted by increasing or persistent macro-segregation. Moreover, with growing neighborhood segregation in the suburbs and fringe, Americas central cities-the focus of most previous studies-now account for only a minority share of all neighborhood or micro-level segregation between blacks and whites. Evidence of black incorporation or spatial assimilation must account for other levels of geography that extend beyond the traditional focus on neighborhood segregation in big cities.

Does interracial/interethnic propinquity breed hostility or harmony? Group threat and contact theories generally answer hostility and harmony, respectively. I propose that a historically and culturally rooted racial/ethnic hierarchy differentially shapes whites' present-day threat of, contact with, and ultimately, prejudice towards blacks, Hispanics and Asians. Because Hispanics and Asians have ascended in this hierarchy, they arouse less threat and have more comfortable interactions with whites. Results from multilevel models of 2000 General Social Survey and Census data indicate that the real presence of blacks — not Hispanics or Asians — living near whites heightens whites' prejudice. Moreover, whites who know Hispanics and Asians are less prejudiced towards them, but whites need to both know and feel close to blacks to experience reduced prejudice. Implications are discussed.

Using data from the General Social Survey, we investigate whether political views increase the risk of social isolation for Black and White Americans. Our findings reveal an increase in conservative political views differently shaping social isolation patterns for Black and White Americans. For instance, changes in political views from liberal to conservative are associated with reduced risk of social isolation for White Americans, whereas a rise in conservative political views is related to increases in social isolation for Black Americans. Results also demonstrate that these patterns remain after accounting for important covariates such as gender, age, education, occupation, marital status, social class, work status, and religion. We discuss the implications of our findings in the context of social relationships, race, and political polarization in the U.S.

This essay examines archival papers, public records, interviews, and newspapers of the formerly arch-conservative city of Richmond to better understand the more recent removal of Confederate monuments. In the process, it argues that the 2020 removals were rooted in previous efforts to divorce the city from its racist heritage.

Over 400 municipalities have been created since 1990, the majority of which are in the American South. Though municipal incorporation can bring positive changes to a locality, such as higher home values and economic growth, the creation of new cities leads to more fragmented political geographies resulting in negative outcomes like inefficient resource and land use. Recent studies of newly incorporated municipalities (NIMs) find that these newly created cities tend to be either majority White or majority non-White or BIPOC. This type of Tieboutian residential sorting has been linked to increased levels of racial segregation in some areas of the US with recent evidence showing that parts of the country remain highly segregated, especially between Black Americans and White Americans. The present study seeks to quantitatively examine the relationship between municipal incorporation and change in BlackWhite racial segregation in the South between 1990 and 2010. Using both a first difference regression model and a spatial first different regression model, we find evidence that municipal incorporation is positively related to the change in Black-White racial segregation across southern counties. A discussion of the results is offered.

Race remains at the forefront of the public agenda, and understanding how white and black Americans understand race relations and racial issues has become all the more critical. Amid the lively debate surrounding the meaning of the racial resentment scale, we utilize open-ended reactions from white and black Americans to identify the key themes that emerge from how both whites and blacks understand this canonical measure. Based on these reactions, we suggest that the scale should be recast as Structural versus Individual Attributions for Black Americans’ Economic and Social Status (SIA) and advocate further investigation into similarities and differences in black and white public opinion.

While scholars have studied the racial \"achievement gap\" for several decades, the mechanisms that produce this gap remain unclear. In this article, we propose that school discipline is a crucial, but under-examined, factor in achievement differences by race. Using a large hierarchical and longitudinal data set comprised of student and school records, we examine the impact of student suspension rates on racial differences in reading and math achievement. This analysis—the first of its kind—reveals that school suspensions account for approximately one-fifth of black-white differences in school performance. The findings suggest that exclusionary school punishment hinders academic growth and contributes to racial disparities in achievement. We conclude by discussing the implications for racial inequality in education.

BACKGROUNDBacterial vaginosis (BV) is the most common vaginal infection among women of reproductive age and is associated with important adverse health outcomes. Estimates of the burden of BV and associated costs are needed to inform research priorities. METHODSWe conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis of global BV prevalence among reproductive-aged women in the general population. We searched PubMed and Embase and used random effects models to estimate BV prevalence by global regions. We estimated the direct medical costs of treating symptomatic BV. Assuming a causal relationship, we also estimated the potential costs of BV-associated preterm births and human immunodeficiency virus cases in the United States. RESULTSGeneral population prevalence of BV is high globally, ranging from 23% to 29% across regions (Europe and Central Asia, 23%; East Asia and Pacific, 24%; Latin America and Caribbean, 24%; Middle East and North Africa, 25%; sub-Saharan Africa, 25%; North America, 27%; South Asia, 29%). Within North America, black and Hispanic women have significantly higher (33% and 31%, respectively) prevalence compared with other racial groups (white, 23%; Asian, 11%; P < 0.01). The estimated annual global economic burden of treating symptomatic BV is US $4.8 (95% confidence interval, $3.7–$6.1) billion. The US economic burden of BV is nearly tripled when including costs of BV-associated preterm births and human immunodeficiency virus cases. CONCLUSIONSThe BV prevalence is high globally, with a concomitant high economic burden and marked racial disparities in prevalence. Research to determine the etiology of BV and corresponding prevention and sustainable treatment strategies are urgently needed to reduce the burden of BV among women. Additionally, the exceptionally high cost of BV-associated sequelae highlights the need for research to understand potential causal linkages between BV and adverse health outcomes.