Explore the vast range of titles available.

Although the portrayal of Zhunti Daoren (Cundī Daoist 準提道人) in the Canonization of the Gods (Fengshen yanyi 封神演義) is relatively subdued, it has garnered considerable scholarly interest owing to the pivotal role he fulfills in advancing the narrative and the profound cultural connotations encapsulated within the character. Scholars have put forward three distinct hypotheses: “Zhunti Daoren as a Buddhist deity”, “Zhunti Daoren as a Daoist deity”, and “Zhunti Daoren as the Panchen Lama”. Based on the theory that the figures in the novels of gods and demons (Shenmo xiaoshuo 神魔小說) embody symbolic characteristics, as well as the sociocultural background of Ming–Qing times, this study uses literary image analysis to investigate these three different interpretations. A basic examination is also performed to explore the correlation between Zhunti Daoren and Jieyin Daoren (Welcoming Daoist接引道人), with the aim of illustrating the relationship between the cult of Zhunti and Pure Land Buddhism in late imperial China.

The fire-offering has been an auspicious custom since the great forefathers of my motherland Ladakh. The custom has ever since flourished in various parts of Ladakh. Generally, the auspicious smoke emits from the burning of a proper mixture of barley, butter and other ingredients. The emitted aromatic scented smoke is then offered to the tri ratna and dedicated to the sentient beings in the form of spirits. Such practice is widely prevalent in every household in Ladakh. It is practised by both laymen and ordained persons of the Buddhist community in Ladakh. This practice of emitting auspicious smoke is well-sourced into the practices of Bodhisattvas. Their mention and explanations can be found in the scriptures and treatises composed by the Buddhist masters. In this article, an effort is made to examine the significance of such customs from the perspective of Kagyur and Tengyur scriptures. The varied forms of fire offerings, the offering and dedication practices, usage of different ingredients. Such practices are also discussed according to the practices of Bodhisattvas. As such practices are more prevalent in the Buddhist community. According to the interview conducted with the elder section of the Ladakhi society, it is observed that the practice of fire-offering is generally conducted in the morning. There are also certain instances where fire-offering is practised in the evening as well. Along with the timing of such practice, ingredients vary for the emission of such auspicious fire offering as well.

This paper aims to juxtapose bodhisattvas, awakened beings recognized in various Buddhist traditions and contemporary philosophies, as viewed through different lenses: as personified symbols, idealistic visions, mystical manifestations, naturalized sentient beings, and integral visions. Specific attention is given to the contrasting bodhisattva motivations and ideals articulated in Theravāda and Mahāyāna Buddhism as well as secularized psychospiritual–philosophical Western conceptions in neurophysicalism (naturalized bodhisattva) and participatory spirituality and theory (integral bodhisattva). The paradox of the traditional bodhisattva is to liberate oneself and all sentient beings by ending suffering and to act compassionately while realizing emptiness (Skt., śūnyatā), though with different conceptions undergirding ultimate realization. The paradoxical nature of bodhisattvas is discussed in regard to illusional ideation, moral agency, mystical nature, idealized devotion, and naturalized form. The ethical underpinnings of the traditional Buddhist bodhisattva notions and non-Buddhist ethics of Western bodhisattva conceptions are critically examined. Finally, the Buddhist and secular morals of bodhisattvas are discussed in the context of the moral relativism of the Post-Truth culture in the United States.

This essay will focus on three kinds of practice that help structure Santideva's Bodhicaryavatara (BCA): (1) practices of faith and devotion, (2) practices for cultivating compassion, and (3) practices for cultivating the nondual wisdom of emptiness. We will explore how these three types of practice, as explained in the BCA text, function synergistically to inform and empower each other on the path of a bodhisattva. I will draw on selected verses of the BCA to illustrate this point, and then relate it to recent writings on Santideva by Christian theologians Perry Schmidt-Leukel and Mark Heim.

Japanese Pure Land Buddhism has often been approached through the lens of Kamakura (1192–1333) doctrinal developments, emphasizing the emergence of an exclusive nenbutsu practice. In this article we reconsider pre-Kamakura Pure Land belief by examining setsuwa literature from the Heian period (794–1192) and focus predominantly on narratives with appearances of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva. With analysis of kōsōden, ōjōden, and Buddhist setsuwa collections such as the Hokke genki and the Konjaku monogatarishū, the study demonstrates that aspirations for rebirth in a Pure Land were embedded within a broader religious framework with prevalent practices such as Lotus Sutra devotion and repentance rituals. The figure of Samantabhadra emerges as the protector of Lotus practitioners, as a key ritual and narrative agent associated with the removal of karmic hindrances, primarily through repentance. The co-existence of Lotus Sutra devotion, repentance, and Pure Land practices such as the nenbutsu in these narratives reveals a plural and non-exclusive formation of pre-sectarian Pure Land belief.

Human beings constantly seek meaning and temporary happiness for themselves. Nevertheless, they live in a perpetual cycle of universal and subjective suffering, affecting their general and mental wellness. Scholars in the humanities continue to pursue questions of meaning and interpretation of suffering, and in science there is still no solution for the emancipation of human suffering. This study will try to show that the concept of Bodhisattva in Mahayana Buddhism can address the issue of emancipation of suffering in a meaningful way. Mahayana Buddhism suggests that suffering comes from the objectification of the mind, the notion of self, and the discriminatory mind that arises from dualistic views. Overcoming suffering is possible by using the type of discipline usually reserved for the Bodhisattva. This disciple provides a way even in secular society to emancipate individuals from suffering, and improve their quality of life and mental well-being. In conclusion, the study suggests that Bodhisattva practice can be used in public education as a psychological tool for self-help and the emancipation of sufferings.

This paper is a case study of the Tang-dynasty Gilded Silver “Bodhisattva Holding up the True Body” (peng zhenshen pusa 捧真身菩薩) Statue (dated 871) excavated from the relic crypt of the Famen Temple pagoda in Fufeng 扶風 County, Shanxi 陝西. Commissioned to commemorate Emperor Yizong 懿宗’s 39th birthday, the statue was designed both to support the Buddha’s relic and to express a wish for the emperor’s longevity. Most strikingly, the Bodhisattva is seated on a three-layered pedestal richly adorned with esoteric Buddhist images and Siddhaṃ scripts. Departing from previous Buddhalogical approaches, this paper suggests that the Famen Temple statue did not serve to illustrate a specific maṇḍala, theological doctrine, or scripture. Instead, together with the five miniature garments interred underneath it, the statue draws upon esoteric ritual technology—particularly the Three Siddhi mantras—as well as cosmological, botanical, and embryological imagery to create a soteriological matrix of bodily transformation for the intended beneficiaries. By situating the object within the historical circumstances and religious practices of the late Tang imperial court, this study illuminates the statue’s conceptual design, symbolic significance, and intended function—namely, to address the patrons’ concerns with spiritual salvation and the renewal of life after death.

Le Guin primarily intended to portray Taoist enlightenment in \"The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas\" rather than a moral contemplation or lesson. She first describes Omelas as the pinnacle of human flourishing from a Taoist perspective, then how the residents of Omelas have achieved moral maturity through coming to terms with the necessity of evil, and finally she describes the even greater transcendence of those who have achieved detachment from the goods of Omelas, the Tao Masters. This interpretation is supported by parallels with the Tao Te Ching.

Xiao Yan, also known as Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (464–549, r. 502–549 ce), was one of the first Chinese emperors to utilize Buddhism to improve his political position. Recent studies have shown how Emperor Wu orchestrated his own ordination as a bodhisattva in 519 so that, as savior of the people, he could rise above the great families that threatened his supremacy. In practice, Emperor Wu's role as bodhisattva was that of a leveler who distributed karmic merit in egalitarian fashion among his subjects, breaking the monopoly of karma claimed by his aristocratic rivals; and he also volunteered to take his subjects' sufferings upon himself, further solidifying his role as universal uplifter. This article examines the mechanics of Emperor Wu's policy by analyzing a manuscript preserved in the Dunhuang cave complex that shows the emperor-bodhisattva in action. A full transcription and translation of the document are included at the end of this article.