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"Bombers China."
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China's long-range bomber flights : drivers and implications
\"This report examines the key drivers behind China's strategic bomber flights throughout the Asia-Pacific region, assessing Chinese commentary on flights and leveraging a number of sources, including interviews in Taipei and Tokyo, to better understand and gauge regional reactions. The report recommends specific responses for consideration by the U.S. Air Force and U.S. policymakers, as well as allies and partners, offering an in-depth analysis of the key issues driving top Chinese leaders to move in the direction of conducting these overwater bomber flights. Since March 2015, the Chinese People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) has sent its strategic bomber on long-range overwater flights on at least 38 separate occasions to important areas throughout the Asia-Pacific region. Chinese leaders seek to achieve at least four key objectives with PLAAF bomber flights throughout the region: First, bombers enable Beijing to send a deterrence message or to signal resolve in the conventional military domain to defend its maritime territorial claims. Second, overwater flights significantly enhance realistic training for PLAAF operators. Third, successful bomber flights offer Chinese leaders the opportunity to play up their achievements for domestic consumption, highlighting progress toward the building of 'world-class' military forces. And fourth, the increased operational tempo of PLAAF bomber flights around Taiwan appear to be designed, at least in part, to ratchet up pressure against Taiwanese president Tsai Ing-wen, as she has refused to acknowledge the 1992 Consensus, also known as the One China Consensus, since taking office in May 2016\"--Rand website.
Book
The End of MAD? The Nuclear Dimension of U.S. Primacy
For nearly half a century, the world's most powerful nuclear-armed states have been locked in a condition of mutual assured destruction. Since the end of the Cold War, however, the nuclear balance has shifted dramatically. The U.S. nuclear arsenal has steadily improved; the Russian force has sharply eroded; and Chinese nuclear modernization has progressed at a glacial pace. As a result, the United States now stands on the verge of attaining nuclear primacy, meaning that it could conceivably disarm the long-range nuclear arsenals of Russia and China with a nuclear first strike. A simple nuclear exchange model demonstrates that the United States has a potent first-strike capability. The trajectory of nuclear developments suggests that the nuclear balance will continue to shift in favor of the United States in coming years. The rise of U.S. nuclear primacy has significant implications for relations among the world's great powers, for U.S. foreign policy, and for international relations scholarship.
Journal Article
The Issue of US Air Support for China during the Second World War, 1942-45
After the eruption of the Pacific War, the USA established the China-Burma-India Theatre and began military co-operation with the Chinese fighting Japan. From 1942 to 1945, the USA rendered air assistance to China by establishing an American air force in China, delivering airplanes to the Chinese air force, training Chinese pilots, and transporting war materials by air to the Chinese. American air support played a significant role in defeating Japan. During that time disputes between the American and Chinese leaders arose over US air aid and air supply to China, which created Sino-US diplomatic tensions and a crisis in Sino-US military co-operation. There were several reasons for this: the different military goals and strategies of the USA and China, Stilwell's emphasis on the role of ground forces and his contempt for air power, the construction of the Ledo Road, and the lack of understanding of Chinese military politics. However, the Chinese demand for more US air support was justified and reasonable at that time. If American military and civilian leaders had had a better understanding of Chinese culture, including Chinese politics and the Chinese military, as well as the characteristics of Chinese leaders and others, both the Americans and the Chinese would have solved the problem of air support for China. It seems that the Sino-US dispute over air aid and air supply to China was not the fault of China or the USA nor of Stilwell or Chiang Kai-shek. It was inevitable in the circumstances.
Journal Article
Soviet Involvement in the Korean War: A New View from the Soviet-era Archives
Reports on the Soviet Union's role in the Korean War using the resources of the Soviet-era archives in Russia. Provides historical background about the pre-Korean War era, the start of the war, the Soviet-Chinese relationship, the air and ground battles, and the reasons for ending the Korean War. (CMK)
Journal Article
THE MASS SUPPORT FOR 'TOUGH' MILITARY INITIATIVES IN THE CASE OF CHINA IN 1952
Starting from a survey made during the 1952 elections, an attempt is made to identify the partisans of a 'tough' policy toward China which was originally neutral, but which sent supplies to Korea, then at war with the US. Econ, religious, educ'al & geographical characteristics of the pop surveyed are considered. In general, the partisans of this 'tough' policy, which was favorable to the bombing of China, were well-off, well-educated white Protestants, assimilated Catholics & those who are generally conservative about civil rights for blacks & minority groups. Among the white Protestant group, those most in favor of the bombings got most of their information from the journals & periodicals they read. The younger & the more highly educated of this group tended to support the 'tough' policy more consistently. Among the Catholic pop, those whose faro's had recently immigrated to the US took a stand for negotiation more frequently. Among the blacks, Jews, & other minorities, there was a great opposition to the bombing. The number of journals read did not sway this opinion. The question of the influence of the MM on changing opinions is discussed. 5 Tables. Modified HA.
Journal Article
China's A-Star targeting sensors at B-2 and F-22
Marketing brochures on AStar's booth suggested that the J-20 could use the passive sensors to detect and aim missiles against the Northrop Grumman B-2 bomber and Lockheed Martin F-22 fighter, even while its radar is being jammed by a Boeing EA-18G Growler. It lists notional detection ranges for the B-2 at 81nm (150km) and for the F-22 at up to 60nm.
Magazine Article
The USSR and Asia in 1984
IN 1984 SOVIET EFFORTS TO IMPROVE RELATIONS WITH CHINA WERE STYMIED BY A RENEWED OUTBREAK OF BORDER SKIRMISHES BETWEEN CHINA AND VIETNAM. THE SOVIETS INCREASED THEIR MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO HANOI; THIS IN TURN MERELY HARDENED BEIJING'S VIEW THAT A SINO-SOVIET NORMALIZATION WAS IMPOSSIBLE SO LONG AS THE SOVIETS KEPT EGGING VIETNAM ON. SOVIET RELATIONS WITH JAPAN SHOWED FEW SIGNS OF IMPROVEMENT. NORTH KOREA'S DICTATOR, KIM II SUNG, MADE HIS FIRST TRIP TO MOSCOW IN 23 YEARS, BUT THE SOVIETS REACTED CAUTIOUSLY TO THE VISIT. IN SOUTHEAST ASIA, MOSCOW'S EFFORTS TO IMPROVE RELATIONS WITH THE ASEAN COUNTRIES WERE HANDICAPPED BY THE CONTINUING STALEMATE BETWEEN ASEAN AND VIETNAM OVER KAMPUCHEA. IN SOUTH ASIA, THE SOVIETS CONTINUED TO FIGHT ON IN AFGHANISTAN. A SOVIET OPTIMIST MIGHT SEE SOME BRIGHT SPOTS. TRADE AND CULTURAL CONTACTS WITH CHINA WERE GROWING. THE SOVIETS WERE QUIETLY IMPROVING THEIR RELATIONS WITH INDONESIA, CONSOLIDATING THEIR MILITARY TIES TO INDIA, AND BEGINNING TO SEE SOME LIGHT AT THE END OF THE TUNNEL IN AFGHANISTAN.
Journal Article