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"Border security International cooperation."
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Bound to Fail
The liberal international order, erected after the Cold War, was crumbling by 2019. It was flawed from the start and thus destined to fail. The spread of liberal democracy around the globe—essential for building that order—faced strong resistance because of nationalism, which emphasizes self-determination. Some targeted states also resisted U.S. efforts to promote liberal democracy for security-related reasons. Additionally, problems arose because a liberal order calls for states to delegate substantial decisionmaking authority to international institutions and to allow refugees and immigrants to move easily across borders. Modern nation-states privilege sovereignty and national identity, however, which guarantees trouble when institutions become powerful and borders porous. Furthermore, the hyperglobalization that is integral to the liberal order creates economic problems among the lower and middle classes within the liberal democracies, fueling a backlash against that order. Finally, the liberal order accelerated China’s rise, which helped transform the system from unipolar to multipolar. A liberal international order is possible only in unipolarity. The new multipolar world will feature three realist orders: a thin international order that facilitates cooperation, and two bounded orders—one dominated by China, the other by the United States—poised for waging security competition between them.
Journal Article
Analyzing the influence of regional security on international student flows in the MENA region: a social network approach
The international order has shifted from unipolar to multipolar, marked by international organizations, security alliances, and economic cooperation. This change is mirrored in international student mobility (ISM), with a shift towards a multipolar structure and the emergence of regional hubs alongside traditional destinations. While ISM scholarship often focuses on East-West and South-North flows, this study employs regional security complex theory (RSCT) to analyze intra-regional patterns in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Using social network analysis, we compare ISM data from 2011 and 2020, revealing that MENA is far from achieving full regionalization. Sub-regions with divergent security dynamics shape ISM by creating regional education complexes based on allied or adversarial relations. The findings highlight Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, and Morocco as influential hubs, reflecting distinct security zones where higher education serves as a strategic tool for alliance-building. Türkiye attracts students from the Middle East, Africa, and Turkic nations, while Morocco emerges as a hub for African and European ISM. The results contribute to the advancement of regionalization theory, underscoring the importance of considering regional security complexes when analyzing ISM trends across diverse geopolitical contexts. These insights offer valuable guidance for policymakers and stakeholders in promoting cross-border educational cooperation in MENA. (HRK / Abstract übernommen).
Journal Article
Mapping with(out) borders: an exploratory cartography of cross-border cooperation in the Spanish-Portuguese raya/raia
Cross-border cooperation has developed fundamentally at the internal borders of the European Union. The border between Spain and Portugal, known as the line (raya in Spanish and raia in Portuguese), is one of them. Numerous cooperation projects have been developed there in recent years, although with a heterogeneous geographical distribution. The border seems to disappear, but far from doing so, it is just transformed, as the study of the dimension of national security shows, which is now largely binational. One of the highest levels of cross-border cooperation that has been achieved is that of integrated local units, called eurocities, with diverse objectives. We address the study of various dimensions of this eurocities with the aim of better understanding where they are created, in what political context and what is their demographic, economic and cultural impact.
Journal Article
Leviathan as foreign investor
Sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) are important but understudied state investors. We investigate whether geopolitics influences SWFs foreign acquisitions, asking if and how their FDI patterns differ from those of private firms. Theoretical expectations are mixed. On the one hand, limited managerial control of target firms suggests that SWFs may be unable to pursue political goals, and thus they are no more sensitive to geopolitics than private firms. On the other hand, state ownership of SWFs can generate national security externalities and thereby makes SWFs more sensitive to geopolitics. Utilizing novel big-data measures of cooperative and adversarial relations based on media reporting and three different tests, we examine over 5800 cross-border acquisitions by SWFs and private firms. We find that home–host conflict hinders SWFs more than private firms whereas cooperation helps SWFs more than private firms. Hence, despite SWFs’ lack of managerial control of target firms, state ownership moderates geopolitical influences on their internationalization and makes them more sensitive than private firms to interstate relations. Our findings suggest that government concern over FDI by state entities goes beyond their operational activities.
Journal Article
Border Security Fencing and Wildlife: The End of the Transboundary Paradigm in Eurasia?
The ongoing refugee crisis in Europe has seen many countries rush to construct border security fencing to divert or control the flow of people. This follows a trend of border fence construction across Eurasia during the post-9/11 era. This development has gone largely unnoticed by conservation biologists during an era in which, ironically, transboundary cooperation has emerged as a conservation paradigm. These fences represent a major threat to wildlife because they can cause mortality, obstruct access to seasonally important resources, and reduce effective population size.We summarise the extent of the issue and propose concrete mitigation measures.
Journal Article
The external dimension of the EU's fight against transnational crime: Transferring political rationalities of crime control
The article constitutes the first comprehensive review of the EU's export of crime control policies and ‘aid to internal security’ across regions over the last 15 years. Drawing on both International Relations and criminology, it develops an analytical framework to identify the political rationalities and technologies of crime control that the EU attempts to transfer across the Eastern and Southern (extended) neighbourhoods. By scrutinising 216 projects aimed at combating transnational crime beyond Europe's borders, spanning law enforcement, border security, criminal justice, and the penitentiary sector, the empirical analysis is geared towards detecting and systematising the ways of thinking and doing crime control that the EU seeks to promote and export. Moreover, it investigates the ‘action at a distance’ whereby it does so. It is argued that in shaping third countries’ ability to criminalise, police, indict, convict, and punish, the EU is simultaneously defining its own security actorness, specifically consolidating its role as a ‘global crime fighter’.
Journal Article
Dyadic military conflict, security alliances, and bilateral FDI flows
Although multinationals operate under cross-border jurisdictions, the relevance of interstate security relations to international business has received little attention. Despite the impressive accumulation of knowledge in international business and international relations, the two intellectual communities have largely ignored the insights from each other. In this article, we seek to bridge this gap. We argue that interstate military conflict and security alliances, as two central features of interstate security relations, often change both government policies toward international business and investor expectations of political risk. From the perspectives of both states and investors, military conflict should reduce bilateral investment whereas security alliances increase it. Our empirical analysis applies the system GMM estimator to a gravity model of bilateral investment flows for 1117 directed dyads among 58 countries from 1980 to 2000. Among 18 countries whose per capita real incomes remain consistently above 12,000 constant dollars, the security factors do not affect bilateral investment; in the high-income/low-income dyads, interstate military conflict and security alliances significantly influence bilateral investment as expected. The findings depict two separate realms in which international politics does and does not interfere with international business, helping us improve political risk assessments and understand the interactions between states and firms.
Journal Article