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The papers in this issue trace a particular set of Māori interventions in anthropology, arts, museums and heritage in the early twentieth century and consider their implications for iwi 'tribal communities', development and environmental management today. They follow Apirana Ngata, Te Rangihīroa (Peter Buck) and some of their Māori and Pākehā (European New Zealander) allies at the Polynesian Society through the Dominion Museum expeditions, on Te Poari Whakapapa (the Board of Maori Ethnological Research) and in a variety of community research initiatives. The authors explore how engagement with ancestral tikanga 'practices' and with western technologies and institutions allowed these scholars and leaders to imagine te ao hou 'a new world' in Aotearoa New Zealand. Through the analysis of surviving photographs, films, artefacts, collections and displays, as well as the extensive written archives that were produced through their efforts, the articles in this issue explore how relational concepts and practices including whakapapa 'kin networks' and tuku 'exchange of treasures (taonga)' were mobilised as practical ontologies, that is, as methods for bringing new things (artefacts, systems, concepts) into being. The lasting effects of these collaborative projects on museums, scholarship, government administration and tribal cultural heritage are investigated, showing the enduring relevance of this work in the present.

The first major photofilmic record of the Waiapu River region of Aotearoa New Zealand occurred over a three-week period in March–April 1923, when the filmmaker and photographer James McDonald documented local cultural activities on the East Coast. McDonald was a member of the fourth Dominion Museum ethnological expedition from Wellington, invited to Waiapu by Apirana Ngata to record ancestral tikanga 'practices' that he feared were disappearing. Despite the criticism of ethnographic \"othering\" in the resulting film He Pito Whakaatu i te Noho a te Maori i te Tairawhiti—Scenes of Māori Life on the East Coast, this paper suggests that the fieldwork, from a Ngāti Porou perspective, was assisted and supported by local people. It addresses the entanglements of this event and delineates the background, purpose and results of the documentary photographs and film in relation to Ngata's cultural reinvigoration agenda. This article also reveals the various relationships, through whakapapa 'kin networks' hosting and friendship, between members of the team and local people. Drawing on the 1923 diary kept by Johannes Andersen and on other archival and tribal sources, the author closely analyses these relationships, what Apirana Ngata calls takiaho 'relational cords', which are brought to light so that descendants can keep alive these connections through the remaining film fragments and beyond the frame. These kinship and relational networks were forged and deepened through education, politics, wartime experiences and loss, pandemics and health reform, as well as shared cultural understandings. This reflection on the takiaho, the cords of connection, demonstrates the complex relational logic that informed the Māori subjects in the films, enabling the \"photo business\" to be carried out by the expedition team, in the process producing a lasting cultural legacy for descendants. As Merata Mita memorably put it in 1992, \"Images still live and are very much alive\".

In 1923 Apirana Ngata set up the Board of Maori Ethnological Research under Section 9 of the Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act. The purpose of the Board, also known as Te Poari Whakapapa, was the \"study and investigation of the ancient arts and crafts, language, customs, history, tradition, and antiquities of the Maori and other cognate races of the South Pacific Ocean\". Ngata spoke in Parliament when the bill became law, exhorting his colleagues on both sides of the House to support the legislation to publish manuscripts awaiting publication for many years, \"which the scientists of the world are clamouring to see\". Over the next 10 years this Māori-led and -funded body effectively took over the management of government research, and it exerted considerable influence on related bodies, the Department of Native Affairs, the Dominion Museum, the Turnbull Library, and the Polynesian Society and its journal. What were the origins of this remarkable episode in indigenous anthropology and museology? How and why did Ngata, Peter Buck (Te Rangihīroa) and their parliamentary colleagues, tribal contacts and Pākehā 'European New Zealander' allies mobilise ethnological research in the service of Māori social, economic and cultural development? In particular we examine the scholarly connections with the Journal of the Polynesian Society and the tribal networks with Te Arawa traced through the work of Tai Mitchell.

Bishop Museum Bulletin 133. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press. Bishop Museum Bulletin 163. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press. Bishop Museum Bulletin 116. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press. Bishop Museum Special Publication 45. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press. Bishop Museum Bulletin in Anthropology 5. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press. An analysis of Polynesian migrations based on archaeological assessments. Bishop Museum Special Publication 47. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press. Bishop Museum Bulletin 236. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press.

PMI Gold Corporation (TSX:PMV)(FRANKFURT:PN3N)(ASX:PVM) (\"PMI\" or the \"Company\") advises that Peter Buck has resigned as Chairman and Non-Executive Director of PMI, effective immediately. Ross Ashton, a current Non-Executive Director, will assume the Chairman's position on an interim basis. Mr. Ashton has been a Non-Executive Director of the Company since its ASX listing in December 2010. He was previously Managing Director and Chairman of Red Back Mining Ltd.

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In a statement, the band said: \"Needless to say, this instrument means a great deal to [Peter Buck] and to R.E.M.