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Edifying from every point of view--historical, cultural, and culinary. David Tanis, author of A Platter of Figs and Other Recipes It s a culinary catalyst, an agent of change, a gastronomic rock star. Ubiquitous in the world s most fabulous cuisines, butter is boss. Here, it finally gets its due. After traveling across three continents to stalk the modern story of butter, award-winning food writer and former pastry chef Elaine Khosrova serves up a story as rich, textured, and culturally relevant as butter itself. From its humble agrarian origins to its present-day artisanal glory, butter has a fascinating story to tell, and Khosrova is the perfect person to tell it. With tales about the ancient butter bogs of Ireland, the pleasure dairies of France, and the sacred butter sculptures of Tibet, Khosrova details butter s role in history, politics, economics, nutrition, and even spirituality and art. Readers will also find the essential collection of core butter recipes, including beurre manie, croissants, pate brisee, and the only buttercream frosting anyone will ever need, as well as practical how-tos for making various types of butter at home--or shopping for the best. A fascinating, tasty read . . . And what a bonus to have a collection of essential classic butter recipes included. David Tanis, author of A Platter of Figs and Other Recipes Following the path blazed by Margaret Visser in Much Depends on Dinner, Elaine Khosrova makes much of butter and the ruminants whose milk man churns. You will revel in dairy physics. And you may never eat margarine again. John T. Edge, author of The Potlikker Papers: A Food History of the Modern South Butter proves that close study can reveal rich history, lore, and practical information. All that and charm too. Mimi Sheraton, author of 1,000 Foods to Eat Before You Die Irresistible and fascinating . . . This is one of those definitive books on a subject that every cook should have. Elisabeth Prueitt, co-owner of Tartine Bakery The history of one of the most delectable ingredients throughout our many cultures and geography over time is wonderfully churned and emulsified in Khosrova s Butter . . . Delightful storytelling. Elizabeth Falkner, author of Demolition Desserts: Recipes from Citizen Cake.

PurposeThe purpose of this pilot-scale study was to compare the quality of traditionally manufactured butters from local, small British producers with the quality of butters that are produced industrially.Design/methodology/approachButter samples were obtained after supervised site inspections of three traditional-butter manufacturers and one large-scale butter producer. The samples were subject to initial microbiological, chemical and sensory testing, followed by a refrigerated shelf-life study over 24 weeks.FindingsTraditional butters matched or exceeded the sensory quality of industrial butters, but spoilage microorganisms tended to grow faster on traditional butters. This seemed to be related to poorer water droplet dispersion in the manufacture of some of the traditionally made butters. Visible mould appeared on two of the traditional butters after eight weeks, but this occurred well after the nominal “best before” date.Originality/valueProlonged lockdowns due to the current coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic pose a threat to the food supply chain, and food produced by local manufacturers may become increasingly important. However, are foods produced by local small-scale manufacturers of a quality comparable to that produced using large-scale production facilities? To the best of the authors' knowledge, there is no comparative study of the quality and shelf-life of traditionally-produced and industrially-produced butters. The current work presents such a comparison together with an outline of how the process of traditional butter-making differs from commercial production in Britain.

\"A child wonders where peanut butter comes from and learns about the jobs of peanut farmers and how peanuts are harvested, and how peanuts are made into peanut butter and packaged at a factory. This illustrated narrative nonfiction book includes a map of where peanuts are grown, glossary, and further resources\"--Provided by publisher.

After Burkina Faso’s independence, shea butter continues to be the key staple edible oil used by Burkinabe households although alternatives are now being placed in local markets. Shea (Vitellaria paradoxa C.F. Gaertn.) is primarily managed as a food tree crop for African consumers but has been promoted as a wild and abundant crop which gives African women cash and empowerment. New international demand for edible Cocoa Butter Equivalents (CBEs) from the 1960s onwards led to the introduction of several state-led efforts to regulate and control the shea trade through stabilization funds and parastatal marketing boards. These were abandoned after 1984, when cocoa prices collapsed and shea markets were liberalized. Increasingly since 2003, several leading Trans-National Corporations that manufacture CBEs are involved in sourcing shea kernels to meet the growing demands of the multi-billion-dollar confectionary and cosmetics industries. Burkina Faso and Ghana are two of the main exporting countries producing 60–75% of all international shea offtake. West, Central and East African women shea collectors and their associations have also managed, more recently, to meet the growing demand for ‘hand-crafted’shea butter for the global personal care sector and new niches in the edible oil industry. Attempts to explain the radical transformation of shea supply chains in West Africa have focused on relatively recent events and actions detached from the broader historical context in which they are embedded. This paper adopts a broad periodization, stemming from the formulation of CBEs incorporating shea and palm stearin in the 1960s, and using a Global Production Network approach to understand the role and position of women shea producers and their associations at the intersection of global, regional, and local periodic markets. It challenges the assumption that global markets are necessarily a more viable alternative to reliance on local, domestic, or regional markets. The growth of global trade in shea kernels and shea butter has been accompanied by significant land cover and land use changes which has led to the progressive loss of trees, biodiversity, and other ecosystem services such as pollination and carbon sequestration. This presents new socio-economic challenges, including threats to local food and nutrition security, tenure rights and the livelihoods of local communities. Après l’indépendance du Burkina Faso, le beurre de karité continue d’être la principale huile comestible de base utilisée par les ménages burkinabés, bien que des alternatives soient désormais mises en place sur les marchés locaux. Karité (Vitellaria paradoxa CF Gaertn.) est principalement gérée comme une culture arboricole vivrière pour les consommateurs africains, mais a été promue comme une culture sauvage et abondante qui donne aux femmes africaines de l’argent et de l’autonomisation. La nouvelle demande internationale d’équivalents de beurre de cacao comestibles (CBE) à partir des années 1960 a conduit à l’introduction de plusieurs efforts menés par l’État pour réglementer et contrôler le commerce du karité par le biais de fonds de stabilisation et d’offices de commercialisation parapublics. Ceux-ci ont été abandonnés après 1984, lorsque les prix du cacao se sont effondrés et que les marchés du karité ont été libéralisés. De plus en plus depuis 2003, plusieurs sociétés transnationales de premier plan qui fabriquent des CBE sont impliquées dans l’approvisionnement en amandes de karité pour répondre aux demandes croissantes des industries de la confiserie et des cosmétiques de plusieurs milliards de dollars. Le Burkina Faso et le Ghana sont deux des principaux pays exportateurs produisant 60–75% de tous les prélèvements internationaux de karité. Les collectrices de karité d’Afrique de l’Ouest, du Centre et de l’Est et leurs associations ont également réussi, plus récemment, à répondre à la demande croissante de beurre de karité «artisanal» pour le secteur mondial des soins personnels et de nouvelles niches dans l’industrie de l’huile comestible. Les tentatives pour expliquer la transformation radicale des chaînes d’approvisionnement du karité en Afrique de l’Ouest se sont concentrées sur des événements et des actions relativement récents détachés du contexte historique plus large dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. Cet article adopte une périodisation large, issue de la formulation de CBE incorporant le karité et la stéarine de palme dans les années 1960, et en utilisant une approche de réseau mondial de production pour comprendre le rôle et la position des femmes productrices de karité et de leurs associations à l’intersection des processus mondiaux, régionaux, et les marchés périodiques locaux. Il remet en question l’hypothèse selon laquelle les marchés mondiaux sont nécessairement une alternative plus viable à la dépendance vis-à-vis des marchés locaux, nationaux ou régionaux. La croissance du commerce mondial des amandes et du beurre de karité s’est accompagnée d’importants changements dans la couverture végétale et l’utilisation des terres qui ont entraîné la perte progressive d’arbres, de biodiversité et d’autres services écosystémiques tels que la pollinisation et la séquestration du carbone. Cela présente de nouveaux défis socio-économiques, notamment des menaces pour la sécurité alimentaire et nutritionnelle locale, les droits fonciers et les moyens de subsistance des communautés locales. Tras la independencia de Burkina Faso, la manteca de karité sigue siendo el principal aceite comestible utilizado por los hogares burkineses, aunque ahora se están introduciendo alternativas en los mercados locales. El karité (Vitellaria paradoxa C.F. Gaertn.) se aprovecha principalmente como un cultivo arbóreo alimentario para los consumidores africanos, pero se ha promocionado como un cultivo silvestre y abundante que proporciona dinero en efectivo y empoderamiento a las mujeres africanas. El aumento de la demanda internacional de productos comestibles equivalentes a la manteca de cacao (EMC) desde la década de 1960 llevó a la introducción de varias iniciativas estatales para regular y controlar el comercio de karité mediante fondos de estabilización y consejos reguladores paraestatales. Estas iniciativas se abandonaron después de 1984, cuando los precios del cacao se desplomaron y los mercados del karité se liberalizaron. Desde 2003, varias empresas transnacionales líderes en la fabricación de EMC participan cada vez más en el aprovisionamiento de almendras de karité para satisfacer la demanda creciente de las industrias multimillonarias de confitería y cosmética. Burkina Faso y Ghana son dos de los principales países exportadores y producen entre el 60 y el 75% del consumo total internacional de karité. Las recolectoras de karité de África Occidental, Central y Oriental y sus asociaciones también han conseguido, más recientemente, abastecer la demanda creciente de manteca de karité ‘artesanal’ para el sector mundial de los productos de belleza y los nuevos nichos de la industria del aceite comestible. Los intentos de explicar la transformación radical de las cadenas de suministro de karité en África Occidental se han centrado en acontecimientos y acciones relativamente recientes, desvinculados del contexto histórico más amplio del que forman parte. Este artículo adopta una amplia periodización, partiendo de la formulación de los EMC que incorporan el karité y la estearina de palma en la década de 1960, y utiliza un enfoque de Red Mundial de Producción para comprender el papel y la posición de las productoras de karité y sus asociaciones en la confluencia entre los mercados periódicos globales, regionales y locales. Se pone en tela de juicio la suposición de que los mercados mundiales son por descontado una alternativa más viable que la dependencia de los mercados locales, nacionales o regionales. El auge del comercio mundial de almendras de karité y de manteca de karité ha ido acompañado de cambios importantes en la cobertura y el uso del suelo, lo que ha provocado la pérdida paulatina de árboles, biodiversidad y otros servicios ecosistémicos, como la polinización y el secuestro de carbono. Esto plantea nuevos retos socioeconómicos, como las amenazas a la seguridad alimentaria y nutricional locales, los derechos de tenencia de la tierra y los medios de vida de las comunidades locales.

IntroductionHigh dietary saturated fat intake is associated with higher blood concentrations of low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL-C), an established risk factor for coronary heart disease. However, there is increasing interest in whether various dietary oils or fats with different fatty acid profiles such as extra virgin coconut oil may have different metabolic effects but trials have reported inconsistent results. We aimed to compare changes in blood lipid profile, weight, fat distribution and metabolic markers after four weeks consumption of 50 g daily of one of three different dietary fats, extra virgin coconut oil, butter or extra virgin olive oil, in healthy men and women in the general population.DesignRandomised clinical trial conducted over June and July 2017.SettingGeneral community in Cambridgeshire, UK.ParticipantsVolunteer adults were recruited by the British Broadcasting Corporation through their websites. Eligibility criteria were men and women aged 50–75 years, with no known history of cancer, cardiovascular disease or diabetes, not on lipid lowering medication, no contraindications to a high-fat diet and willingness to be randomised to consume one of the three dietary fats for 4 weeks. Of 160 individuals initially expressing an interest and assessed for eligibility, 96 were randomised to one of three interventions; 2 individuals subsequently withdrew and 94 men and women attended a baseline assessment. Their mean age was 60 years, 67% were women and 98% were European Caucasian. Of these, 91 men and women attended a follow-up assessment 4 weeks later.InterventionParticipants were randomised to extra virgin coconut oil, extra virgin olive oil or unsalted butter and asked to consume 50 g daily of one of these fats for 4 weeks, which they could incorporate into their usual diet or consume as a supplement.Main outcomes and measuresThe primary outcome was change in serum LDL-C; secondary outcomes were change in total and high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (TC and HDL-C), TC/HDL-C ratio and non-HDL-C; change in weight, body mass index (BMI), waist circumference, per cent body fat, systolic and diastolic blood pressure, fasting plasma glucose and C reactive protein.ResultsLDL-C concentrations were significantly increased on butter compared with coconut oil (+0.42, 95% CI 0.19 to 0.65 mmol/L, P<0.0001) and with olive oil (+0.38, 95% CI 0.16 to 0.60 mmol/L, P<0.0001), with no differences in change of LDL-C in coconut oil compared with olive oil (−0.04, 95% CI −0.27 to 0.19 mmol/L, P=0.74). Coconut oil significantly increased HDL-C compared with butter (+0.18, 95% CI 0.06 to 0.30 mmol/L) or olive oil (+0.16, 95% CI 0.03 to 0.28 mmol/L). Butter significantly increased TC/HDL-C ratio and non-HDL-C compared with coconut oil but coconut oil did not significantly differ from olive oil for TC/HDL-C and non-HDL-C. There were no significant differences in changes in weight, BMI, central adiposity, fasting blood glucose, systolic or diastolic blood pressure among any of the three intervention groups.Conclusions and relevanceTwo different dietary fats (butter and coconut oil) which are predominantly saturated fats, appear to have different effects on blood lipids compared with olive oil, a predominantly monounsaturated fat with coconut oil more comparable to olive oil with respect to LDL-C. The effects of different dietary fats on lipid profiles, metabolic markers and health outcomes may vary not just according to the general classification of their main component fatty acids as saturated or unsaturated but possibly according to different profiles in individual fatty acids, processing methods as well as the foods in which they are consumed or dietary patterns. These findings do not alter current dietary recommendations to reduce saturated fat intake in general but highlight the need for further elucidation of the more nuanced relationships between different dietary fats and health.Trial registration number NCT03105947; Results.