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This study examines the sociocultural context of Bern's ten Reformation plays, authored by Niklaus Manuel and Hans von Rüte, and argues that Protestant theater was instrumental in creating cultural community among an urban populace estranged from Catholic tradition.

Citizens unequally participate in referendums, and this may systematically bias policy in favor of those who vote. Some view compulsory voting as an important tool to alleviate this problem, whereas others worry about its detrimental effects on the legitimacy and quality of democratic decision making. So far, however, we lack systematic knowledge about the causal effect of compulsory voting on public policy. We argue that sanctioned compulsory voting mobilizes citizens at the bottom of the income distribution and that this translates into an increase in support for leftist policies. We empirically explore the effects of a sanctioned compulsory voting law on direct-democratic decision making in Switzerland. We find that compulsory voting significantly increases electoral support for leftist policy positions in referendums by up to 20 percentage points. We discuss the implications of these results for our understanding of the policy consequences of electoral institutions.

Although the molecular phylogeny, evolution and biodiversity of arbuscular mycorrhizal fungi (AMF) are becoming clearer, phylotaxonomically reliable sequence data are still limited. To fill this gap, a data set allowing resolution and environmental tracing across all taxonomic levels is provided. Two overlapping nuclear DNA regions, totalling c. 3 kb, were analysed: the small subunit (SSU) rRNA gene (up to 1800 bp) and a fragment spanning c. 250 bp of the SSU rDNA, the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region (c. 475–520 bp) and c. 800 bp of the large subunit (LSU) rRNA gene. Both DNA regions together could be analysed for 35 described species, the SSU rDNA for c. 76 named and 18 as yet undefined species, and the ITS region or LSU rDNA, or a combination of both, for c. 91 named and 16 as yet undefined species. Present phylogenetic analyses, based on the three rDNA markers, provide reliable and robust resolution from phylum to species level. Altogether, 109 named species and 27 cultures representing as yet undefined species were analysed. This study provides a reference data set for molecular systematics and environmental community analyses of AMF, including analyses based on deep sequencing.

Since colonization, Canadians and Americans have viewed religious matters differently. While this is not surprising given contemporary Canadians' reluctance to embrace U.S.-style social conservativism, the roots of the phenomenon are seldom examined. J.I. Little seeks to correct this oversight withBorderland Religion. Focusing on the settlement period of the Eastern Townships region of Quebec, Little addresses the role played by religion in forging a distinctive national identity for English-Canadians. While radical evangelical churches and sects developed in the hill country of New England, they failed to gain a strong foothold in the neighbouring Eastern Townships despite the majority of the population there being of American origin. Rather, the British-based Church of England and Wesleyan Methodist Society became much the largest denominations in this border region. Borderland Religionis effectively a borderlands study in reverse. Rather than examining the dynamics of contact between two distinct cultures in a common geographical space, or middle ground, it explores how a common culture became differentiated on either side of an international boundary line. In the process, it also illuminates the woefully neglected history of Protestantism in Quebec.

While various studies have already shown that people prefer high- over low-skilled migrants, we know surprisingly little why this is so. This article tries to close this gap by investigating three explanatory models. (i) According to the labour market competition model, citizens oppose immigrants with the same skill levels who are perceived as competitors on the job market. (ii) According to the welfare state model, low-skilled immigrants' use of public services is disproportionally higher than their contribution to tax revenues contrary to high-skilled immigrants. (iii) According to the deservingness model, high-skilled immigrants are preferred, as low-skilled immigrants are considered as lazy people who would be as well off as natives if they only tried harder. As one of the first studies outside the United States, these arguments are tested by means of an experimental online survey in Switzerland. Respondents were randomly assigned to evaluate low- and high-skilled immigrants. We find that different groups prefer high- over low-skilled immigrants for different reasons: While the labour market competition model does not play a role, the welfare state model only holds for natives who are well off in regions with low taxes. Finally, attitudes on deservingness explain preference of high-skilled immigrants only if the respondents have a high income.

Regierungen und Verwaltungen richten ihr Handeln vermehrt auf Nachhaltigkeit aus. Doch wie erfolgreich sind sie dabei? Wir stellen ein Instrument zur Messung nachhaltigkeitsbezogener interner Governance-Kapazität vor. Die Anwendung auf Schweizer Kantone offenbart deutliche Kapazitätsunterschiede und zeigt Möglichkeiten zur Stärkung staatlicher Governance-Kapazität auf.Sustainability has become an important guiding principle that has not only found its way into numerous policies, but also into the \"engine rooms\" of governance. Governments and administrations have established diverse governance arrangements orienting state actions towards sustainability. How does this integration of sustainability into governmental and administrative activity succeed? This paper proposes an instrument for the measurement and comparison of sustainability-oriented internal governance capacity and operationalizes it in the context of Swiss cantons. The application of the measurement tool documents the diversity of governance arrangements and their different capacities. It shows where, and how, the sustainability governance of governments and administrations can be further strengthened.

This article develops data on the history of wages and prices in Beijing, Canton, and Suzhou/Shanghai in China from the eighteenth century to the twentieth, and compares them with leading cities in Europe, Japan, and India in terms of nominal wages, the cost of living, and the standard of living. In the eighteenth century, the real income of building workers in Asia was similar to that of workers in the backward parts of Europe but far behind that in the leading economies in north-western Europe. Real wages stagnated in China in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and rose slowly in the late nineteenth and early twentieth, with little cumulative change for 200 years. The income disparities of the early twentieth century were due to long-run stagnation in China combined with industrialization in Japan and Europe.

The paper aims at explaining the adoption of policy programs. We use the garbage can model of organizational choice as our theoretical framework and complement it with the institutional setting of administrative decision-making in order to understand the complex causation of policy program adoption. Institutions distribute decision power by rules and routines and coin actor identities and their interpretations of situations. We therefore expect institutions to play a role when a policy window opens. We explore the configurad ve explanations for program adoption in a systematic comparison of the adoption of new alcohol policy programs in the Swiss cantons employing Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The most important conditions are the organizational elements of the administrative structure decisive for the coupling of the streams. The results imply that classic bureaucratic structures are better suited to put policies into practice than limited government.

This article contributes to the literature on direct democracy and public spending in two ways. First, we explore how direct democratic institutions interact with a specific aspect of the representative system, the size of the governing coalition, to influence public spending. Second, based on newly collected data, we examine the relationship between three different direct democratic institutions, coalition size and public spending over the period from 1860 to 2015. Empirically, we find that initiatives increase the size of the public sector under single-party governments, but this positive relationship disappears as coalition size increases. In contrast, we find that financial referendums slow down the growth of public spending, while law referendums are not systematically associated with public spending. Finally, we find that the relationship between direct democratic institutions, coalition size and public spending does not change over time despite the long period under investigation.

Direct democracy plays a prominent role in the explanation of institutional trust. To date, however, empirical findings on the effects of direct democracy remain inconclusive. In this article, we argue that this inconclusiveness can be partly ascribed to the diverse effects direct democracy has on individuals. In other words, direct democracy influences institutional trust, but how and to what degree depends on individuals' personality traits. Running hierarchical analyses of unique survey data from a random sample of eligible Swiss voters, we document three findings: First, we show that the number of ballot measures is not directly associated with institutional trust. Second, we demonstrate that the Big Five personality traits affect the propensity to trust. Third, some of these traits also alter the relationship between direct democracy and institutional trust, suggesting that certain personality types are more likely to be sensitive to popular votes than others and that not everyone is equally likely to respond to political stimuli, even in highly democratic environments.