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Cartwright (Synthese 121(1/2):3–27, 1999a ; The dappled world, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999b ) attacked the view that causal relations conform to the Markov condition by providing a counterexample in which a common cause does not screen off its effects: the prominent chemical factory. In this paper we suggest a new way to handle counterexamples to Markov causation such as the chemical factory. We argue that Cartwright’s as well as similar scenarios (such as decay processes, EPR/B experiments, or spontaneous macro breaking processes) feature a certain kind of non-causal dependence that kicks in once the common cause occurs. We then develop a representation of this specific kind of non-causal dependence that allows for modeling the problematic scenarios in such a way that the Markov condition is not violated anymore.

In 1940, Mary Louise Marshall, then the librarian of Tulane University's Matas Medical Library, wrote an article that has shaped the historical understanding of Dr. Samuel A. Cartwright. Though Cartwright was a prominent physician and medical writer in antebellum New Orleans, historians mostly remember him for his theories of drapetomania-the disease that caused slaves to run away; rascality-the disease that made slaves commit petty offenses; and dysaesthesia ethiopica-which made slaves \"insensible and indifferent to punishment.\"1 Published in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, Marshall's biography of the southern physician seeded the ground for a mythology of Cartwright that has helped define him in the historiography of race and medicine. According to Marshall, Cartwright studied under the country' s most famous doctor, founding father Benjamin Rush, first as an apprentice and then at the University of Pennsylvania, but never completed the degree. With this pedigree, Cartwright appeared to be on the path to becoming a leading physician in the United States. Marshall explained that later in his career Cartwright served as \"Professor of Diseases of the Negro\" in the Medical Department of the University of Louisiana (now Tulane University). The fact is that no record exists of Cartwright at the University of Pennsylvania, which means he certainly never received a degree from that institution.

The existing electricity infrastructure in Cartwright depends on diesel generators and needs renewable energy integration and remote monitoring. This project aims to enhance the proposed hybrid system with IoT-based optimization by leveraging a low-cost open-source SCADA system and accomplished monitoring and control capabilities. Electrical data were collected and analyzed from the energy system via sensors using the Arduino UNO R4 Wi-Fi as an RTU. The designed SCADA system would optimize Cartwright’s energy system, allowing for real-time remote tracking and control via the Arduino IoT cloud platform. The voltage and current values obtained with the setup were accurate and close to the actual multimeter values over the measurement range. The project outcome included efficient real-time data acquisition and visualization on remote dashboards, enabling cloud monitoring of key electrical parameters. An alert mechanism was incorporated as a buzzer alarm in the event of under-voltage readings to trigger intervention from operators to take swift action to ensure system reliability and safety. One observation made was that, while the buzzer is not directly tied to current readings, it can be programmed to signal more issues like over-current.

In 1768, the Labrador Inuk woman Mikak and her son Tutauk were taken to England by Newfoundland’s Governor Hugh Palliser as official guests of the government in hopes of improving relations, especially trade, with Labrador Inuit. They returned to Labrador in 1769. In 1772, English merchant Captain George Cartwright brought two Labrador Inuit brothers and their families to England: Attuiock, Ickongoque, Ickeuna, Tooklavinia, and Caubvick. The known paintings and pastels of these individuals, together with their personal histories, have provided insights into the Inuit experience and management of 18th-century colonial presence and expansion in Labrador. The known images are also unique and striking artworks of the Georgian period, several by famous artists of the time. This paper adds four more works to the known portfolio, including two portrayals of Mikak and Tutauk and two of the Inuit family group. Additionally, two further images of Mikak and Tutauk are noted that have been mentioned in exhibition catalogues but have not yet been found. Provenance histories and comparisons of both the new and the known works are emphasized and explored. The subjects’ performances in their various roles—as individuals with their own goals, as important visitors, as subjects of artwork for purpose of ethnography—are also considered, as is the purpose of some of these images as mementoes. Their hosts’ performances and responses to the Indigenous visitors are also considered—including their use of common colonial figures of speech, such as sarcasm, and cultural stereotyping of their guests as the wise noble, the innocent, the “Indian princess,” and chief or leader (to open social and diplomatic doors). Finally, the painting known as A Labrador Woman by an unknown artist in the Hunterian Museum at the Royal College of Surgeons of England, London, is briefly revisited. This striking portrait has been variously identified over time, and we discuss why this may be another 1769 portrayal of Mikak. En 1768, une Inuk du Labrador nommée Mikak et son fils Tutauk ont été amenés en Angleterre par Hugh Palliser, gouverneur de Terre-Neuve, à titre d’invités officiels du gouvernement, dans l’espoir d’améliorer les relations avec les Inuits du Labrador, plus particulièrement sur le plan commercial. Ils sont revenus au Labrador en 1769. En 1772, le capitaine George Cartwright, un marchand anglais, a amené en Angleterre deux frères inuits du Labrador ainsi que des membres de leur famille : Attuiock, Ickongoque, Ickeuna, Tooklavinia et Caubvick. Les peintures et les pastels de ces personnes, ainsi que leur histoire personnelle, nous permettent de mieux comprendre l’expérience inuite et la gestion de la présence et de l’expansion coloniale au 18e siècle au Labrador. Les représentations artistiques de l’époque géorgienne sont remarquables et uniques. Plusieurs d’entre elles sont l’oeuvre d’artistes renommés de cette période. Dans cet article, nous ajoutons à la liste des oeuvres connues quatre nouvelles pièces : deux portraits de Mikak et de Tutauk ainsi que deux représentations du groupe familial inuit. Nous mentionnons également deux autres représentations de Mikak et Tutauk, qui se trouvent dans les catalogues d’exposition, mais dont la localisation est inconnue. Nous explorons l’histoire de leur provenance ainsi que les points communs entre les oeuvres nouvelles et celles déjà connues. La représentation des sujets dans les différents rôles qu’ils occupent (personnes ayant leurs propres objectifs, visiteurs importants, sujets d’oeuvres d’art à des fins ethnographiques) est également abordée, ainsi que la vocation de certaines de ces images en gage de souvenirs. Les représentations et les réactions des hôtes envers leurs visiteurs autochtones sont également examinées, notamment par rapport à l’utilisation de figures de style coloniales courantes, comme le sarcasme, ainsi que par rapport aux stéréotypes culturels attribués aux invités, soit la figure du noble sage, de l’innocent, de la « princesse indienne », du chef et du leader (pour ouvrir les portes sociales et diplomatiques). Enfin, nous revoyons rapidement le tableau A Labrador Woman, une peinture anonyme du musée Hunterian au Royal College of Surgeons of England, à Londres. Ce portrait frappant a fait l’objet de diverses interprétations au fil du temps. Nous en discutons les raisons.

All screening programs have the potential to result in harmful overdiagnosis and overtreatment. Sound evidence, policy, and standards are needed to keep this harm to a minimum. Screening for and “treating” cervical cytological abnormalities provides a sobering example. The term “carcinoma in situ” came into use from 1950 and implied—misleadingly—that an inevitable malignant process had been identified. Hysterectomy became widely used to “treat” it. New Zealand's Herbert Green was one of a minority of gynecologists around the world who recognized the possible dangers of harmful overtreatment. Green developed and monitored more conservative management approaches to avoid women being “subjected to hysterectomy”. By the mid-1980s, his approaches had been adopted not only within National Women's Hospital in Auckland, but more widely. In 1987, it was alleged in a magazine article that an “experimental” research program had been undertaken at National Women's Hospital to study the natural course of untreated cervical “carcinoma in situ”; that this had entailed withholding “conventional treatment” from some patients indefinitely; and that some patients had died as a result. A public furore resulted and led 2 weeks later to the creation of a judicial inquiry—the Cartwright Inquiry—which reported the following year. The findings of the Inquiry, which criticized Green's practice, have been both disputed and defended ever since, often by individuals with competing interests. In the recently published 2nd edition of their book Screening: Evidence and Practice, Angela Raffle, Anne Mackie, and Muir Gray have provided a fresh analysis. This concludes (see accompanying article) that the Cartwright Inquiry provides no trustworthy evidence of harm from the adoption of the conservative management introduced by Green and adopted by some of his colleagues at National Women's Hospital. It is now clear that the treatment and monitoring methods introduced by Herb Green have benefited numerous women through avoidance of major surgery and preservation of fertility.

We give bounds on the difference between the weighted arithmetic mean and the weighted geometric mean. These imply refined Young inequalities and the reverses of the Young inequality. We also studied some properties on the difference between the weighted arithmetic mean and the weighted geometric mean. Applying the newly obtained inequalities, we show some results on the Tsallis divergence, the Rényi divergence, the Jeffreys–Tsallis divergence and the Jensen–Shannon–Tsallis divergence.

This article examines a cervical screening incident from the 1960s and draws lessons for screening policy. Concern about harmful overtreatment of symptomless lesions prompted university gynecologist Herbert Green to study, between 1965 and 1970, a ‘special series’ of 33 women with carcinoma in situ (CIS) who were managed with only limited punch or wedge biopsy. These women were carefully followed up but not treated unless they showed evidence of progression to invasive cancer. This paper examines source documents and subsequent publications in order to ascertain lessons from this incident. In keeping with the 1964 Helsinki Declaration, written consent was not sought. Green published the outcomes for his patients with CIS including the ‘special series.’ A Judicial inquiry (the Cartwright Inquiry) in 1987 concluded that some women had suffered harm and some had died, but numbers and evidence were not clearly stated. Medical case review for the Inquiry identified 25 women with only punch or wedge biopsy; in 21 of these, there were reasons why no further treatment was given; two had developed cervical cancer, and none were recorded as having died. The case review found eight patients, not necessarily in the ‘special series,’ who ‘in retrospect and by 1987 standards’ might have benefited from earlier conisation or hysterectomy. Subsequent claims relating to Green's practice have wrongly stated that as many as one hundred women or more had treatment withheld and over 30 died as a result. These claims are inaccurate. •Cervical cytology screening began, from the late 1940s, without adequate prior evaluation. Ethical principles including informed consent were ignored. Many women suffered harm including loss of fertility and operative death.•Auckland University gynecologist Herbert Green cautioned against harmful overdiagnosis and overtreatment and advocated conisation with careful follow up, in preference to hysterectomy, thereby enabling many young women to preserve their fertility.•During 1965 to 1970 Green practiced, and published about, active monitoring in a ‘special series’ of 33 women with carcinoma in situ initially managed by limited biopsy. By 1974 he advised against this practice, reporting the treatment of 10 women whose lesions had progressed (2 clinical and 8 histological).•A 1987 Judicial Inquiry into practice at National Women’s Hospital Auckland, triggered by a magazine article, led to widely quoted claims that Green had unethically withheld treatment from as many as 100 women, and that up to thirty deaths resulted.•The review of case notes conducted for the Inquiry found only 4 patients where no reason could be found for delayed treatment. Two women managed by limited biopsy were reported to have developed cancer, and none were recorded as having died. The severity of claims made against Green do not stand up to scientific scrutiny.